கிறிஸ்துவர்களால் ஒதுக்கப்படும் ரோமா மக்களுக்காக இந்துக்களின் உரத்த குரல்

இந்திய வம்சாவளியினரான ரோமா மக்கள் (ஜிப்ஸி என்று ஐரோப்பவில் அழைக்கப்படுகின்றனர்) அமைப்பு ரீதியாக ஒடுக்கப்படுகின்றனர்.

இவர்கள் மீது அபார்தெய்ட் போன்ற ஒடுக்குமுறை ஐரோப்பாவில் நிலவுகின்றது.

இதனை எதிர்த்தும், ரோமா மக்களுக்குஆதரவாகவும் ராஜன் குரலெழுப்பியுள்ளார்

ரோமா மக்கள் நலவாழ்வுக்கு எல்லாம் வல்ல முருகனை பிரார்த்திப்போம்.

Published: December 28,2008Send to a friend
Alleging Apartheid, Hindus Stress Augmenting of Roma Inclusion Programs


Despite three years into the high-flown "Decade of Roma Inclusion 2005-2015" initiative, Roma people of Europe still reportedly live in apartheid like conditions, Hindus emphasize.

Rajan Zed, acclaimed Hindu and Indo-American statesman, in a statement in Nevada (USA) today, said that almost everybody involved in the Roma upliftment programs would agree that Roma continued to face deeply embedded institutional discrimination and social exclusion. Concrete steps were immediately needed to improve their plight.

Zed, who is the president of Universal Society of Hinduism, says that in spite of this much publicized "Inclusion" initiative involving political commitment by governments of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Macedonia, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia, and Slovakia to improve the socio-economic status and social inclusion of Roma, they unfortunately reportedly continue to suffer from human rights violations and brazen structural discrimination.

Rajan Zed further says that on paper, Roma are fully covered by EU legislation, which prohibits discrimination on grounds of ethnic origin in employment, social protection and education as well as access to goods and services, including housing. But in reality, Roma reportedly regularly face racism, substandard education, hostility, social exclusion, joblessness, rampant illness, inadequate housing, lower life expectancy, unrest, living on desperate margins, language barriers, stereotypes, mistrust, rights violations, discrimination, marginalization, appalling living conditions, prejudice, human rights abuse, racist slogans on Internet, unusually high unemployment rates, etc.

European Union and countries of Europe, instead of just sweet talk and paper drives, should act immediately to end the centuries of severe discrimination and abuse of Roma and achieve their social inclusion. It is simply immoral to let this around ten million population of Europe continually suffer and face human rights violations, Rajan Zed says.

Zed points out that effective implementation, firm commitment and strong political will is needed to improve the Roma plight. In the past, policies on paper to tackle Roma discrimination and exclusion had proved very weak to deal with their day-to-day sufferings.

Rajan Zed stresses that European Union and member countries should show more responsibility in handling complex Roma issues. Roma inclusion and integration programs need to immediately take off the ground providing them with better health and education avenues, higher economic opportunities, sources of empowerment and participation, etc. Their alarming condition is a social blight for Europe and the rest of the world.

It is like an undeclared apartheid, Zed argues explaining the Roma situation, and adds that it is moral obligation of Europe to take care of its frequently maltreated population of Roma people.


To comment on this story, email to comment@newsblaze.com

ஜம்மு காஷ்மீரில் பாரதியஜனதா கட்சி அமோக வெற்றி

கடைசியாக தெரியும் முடிவுகளின்படி
காங்கிரஸ் படு தோல்வியை அடைகிறது. ஜம்மு பகுதியில் பதினோரு இடங்களை பாரதிய ஜனதா கைப்பற்றியுள்ளது.

லேட்டஸ்ட் முடிவுகள்

பரூக் அப்துல்லா தேசிய காங்கிரஸ் கட்சி - 14 இடங்கள்
பாரதிய ஜனதா கட்சி 11 இடங்கள்
முப்டி முகமது சையதின் பிடிபி 13 இடங்கள்
காங்கிரஸ் 8 இடங்கள்

ஆகியவற்றில் முன்னிலையில் உள்ளன

பரூக் அப்துல்லாவும் பாரதிய ஜனதாவும் கூட்டணியாக அமைந்து அரசு அமைக்கலாம் என்று எதிர்பார்க்கப்படுகிறது.

கூலிக்கு மாரடிக்கும் தற்கொலை குண்டுதாரிகள்

பாகிஸ்தானில் வெறும் மதரஸா கல்வி மட்டுமே படித்தோ அல்லது அதுவும் படிக்காமலோ ஏராளமான இளைஞர்கள் வேலைக்கு உதவாதவர்களாக அலைய விடப்பட்டுள்ளார்கள்.

பாகிஸ்தானில் மட்டும் சுமார் 3 கோடி வெட்டிப்பயல்கள் இருப்பதாக கணக்கிடப்படுகிறது.

இவர்களில் பெரும்பாலோனோர் வெறும் ஜிகாதி வேலைகளுக்குத்தான் உபயோகப்படுவார்கள் என்று தெரிகிறது

பலர் கூலிக்கு தற்கொலை செய்துகொள்ளவும் ஆரம்பித்துள்ளார்கள்.

அறிவுதான்!


Bombers for rent!
Thursday, December 25, 2008

The astonishing story of how a suicide bomber was ‘hired’ from Wana and used by an individual in Bhakkar to kill a rival with whom he had a monetary dispute is an eye-opener. Twenty-six people died in the suicide blast in Bhakkar in August. PML-N MNA Rashid Akbar Niwani was among those injured in the bombing that took place during a gathering at his house. At the time, it was assumed he was the target and the motive possibly sectarian. It now transpires that a businessman from the town had effectively ‘purchased’ the services of a suicide bomber and an explosives expert from a person in Wana. The deadly duo effectively carried out the assassination. The suicide bomber, naturally, died – as was intended. Five others involved have been arrested, including the businessman who hired the killers. The account of how a suicide bomber could be acquired in exchange for Rs2 million and used to settle a personal score, highlights the fact that for the ruthless men who recruit and train bombers, many of them mere children, their lives mean nothing at all.

In places around the world, it is quite possible to hire assassins. Crimes committed by such mercenaries are heard of every now and then. But Pakistan perhaps stands alone among countries where suicide bombers are available for such deeds. Since a suicide bomber of course dies at the time of the blast, he cannot be tracked down unlike the ordinary assassin. The enterprising businessman who resorted to this method to eliminate a foe who had been demanding money may have thought he had got away with the perfect murder. The police must be given credit for unravelling the truth behind the crime and we must hope that the ‘hiring’ of suicide bombers does not become a more common occurrence in a society where violence and a disregard for human life is already far too rampant.

அருண் ஷோரி- மும்பை பயங்கரவாதம் பற்றி பேச்சு

இந்தியாவின் நம்பிக்கை நட்சத்திரங்களில் ஒன்றான திரு. அருண் ஷோரி அவர்கள் மும்பையில் நடந்த பயங்கரவாதம் பற்றி பேச்சு.

இஸ்ரேல் திருப்பிஅடித்தது. 200 முஸ்லீம்களுக்கும் மேல் பலி

காஜா பகுதியிலிருந்து தொடர்ந்து ராக்கெட் தாக்குதலுக்கு பதிலடியாக இன்று இஸ்ரேல் திருப்பி அடித்தது.

ஹமாஸ் படையினரின் முகாம்களை குறி வைத்து தாக்கியதில் 200பேருக்கும் மேற்பட்ட ஹமாஸ் படையினர் உயிரிழந்தனர்.


Israel strikes demolish Hamas compounds, kill 192
By IBRAHIM BARZAK – 28 minutes ago

GAZA CITY, Gaza Strip (AP) — Israeli warplanes retaliating for rocket fire from the Gaza Strip pounded dozens of security compounds across the Hamas-ruled territory in unprecedented waves of airstrikes Saturday, killing nearly 200 people and wounding 270 others in the single bloodiest day of fighting in years.

Most of those killed were security men, but civilians were also among the dead. Hamas said all of its security installations were hit and responded with several medium-range Grad rockets at Israel, reaching deeper than in the past. One Israeli was killed and at least four people were wounded in the rocket attacks. With so many wounded, the Palestinian death toll was likely to rise.

The air offensive followed weeks of intense Palestinian rocket and mortar fire on southern Israel, and Israeli leaders had issued increasingly tough warnings in recent days that they would not tolerate continued attacks.

Defense Minister Ehud Barak said Israel would expand the operation if necessary. "There is a time for calm and there is a time for fighting, and now is the time for fighting," he told a news conference. He would not comment when asked if a ground offensive was planned.

But asked earlier if Hamas political leaders might be targeted next, military spokeswoman Maj. Avital Leibovich said, "Any Hamas target is a target."

The strikes caused widespread panic and confusion in Gaza, as black clouds of smoke rose above the territory, ruled by Hamas for the past 18 months. Some of the Israeli missiles struck in densely populated areas as children were leaving school, and women rushed into the streets frantically looking for their children. Most of those killed were security men, but civilians were among the dead.

Said Masri sat in the middle of a Gaza City street, close to a security compound, alternately slapping his face and covering his head with dust from the bombed-out building.

"My son is gone, my son is gone," wailed Masri, 57. The shopkeeper said he sent his 9-year-old son out to purchase cigarettes minutes before the airstrikes began and now could not find him. "May I burn like the cigarettes, may Israel burn," Masri moaned.

In Gaza City's main security compound, bodies of more than a dozen uniformed security officers lay on the ground. One survivor raised his index finger in a show of Muslim faith, uttering a prayer. The Gaza police chief was among those killed. One man, his face bloodied, sat dazed on the ground as a fire raged nearby.

Later, some of the dead, rolled in blankets, were laid out on the floor of Gaza's main hospital for identification. Hamas police spokesman Ehad Ghussein said about 140 Hamas security forces were killed.

Israeli military officials said more than 100 tons of bombs were dropped on Gaza by mid-afternoon. They spoke on condition of anonymity under military guidelines.

Defiant Hamas leaders threatened revenge, including suicide attacks. Hamas "will continue the resistance until the last drop of blood," vowed spokesman Fawzi Barhoum.

Israel told its civilians near Gaza to take cover as militants began retaliating with rockets, and in the West Bank, moderate Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas called for restraint. Egypt summoned the Israeli ambassador to express condemnation and opened its border with Gaza to allow ambulances to drive out some of the wounded.

Israeli leaders approved military action against Gaza earlier in the week.

Past limited ground incursions and air strikes have not halted rocket barrages from Gaza. But with 200 mortars and rockets raining down on Israel since the truce expired a week ago, and 3,000 since the beginning of the year, according to the military's count, pressure had been mounting in Israel for the military to crush the gunmen.

Gaza militants fired 30 rockets and mortars Saturday after the air offensive began. A missile hit the town of Netivot, killing an Israeli man and wounding four people, rescue services said.

Dozens of stunned residents gathered around the house that took the deadly rocket hit. Many wept openly. The crowd broke up after an alert siren went off and sent the onlookers running.

Streets were nearly empty in Sderot, the Israeli border town that has been pummeled hardest by rockets. A few cars carried panicked residents leaving town. Dozens of people congregated on a hilltop to watch the Israeli aerial attacks.

Israel declared a state of emergency in Israeli communities within a 12-mile (20-kilometer) range of Gaza, putting the area on a war footing. A siren went off in Kiryat Gat, about 12 miles (20 kilometers) from the border, but early reports that the town was hit by a rocket for the first time were incorrect.

Barak, the Israeli defense minister, said the coming period "won't be easy" for southern Israel.

Protests against the campaign erupted in the Abbas-ruled West Bank and across the Arab world.

Several hundred angry Jordanians protested outside a U.N. complex in the capital Amman. "Hamas, go ahead. You are the cannon, we are the bullets," they cried, some waving the signature green Hamas banners.

In Ein Hilweh, a Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon, dozens of youths hit the streets and set fire to tires. In Syria's al-Yarmouk camp, outside Damascus, dozens of Palestinian protesters vowed to continue fighting Israel.

The first round of air strikes on Gaza came just before noon.

Hospitals crowded with people, civilians rushing in wounded people in cars, vans and ambulances. "We are treating people on the floor, in the corridors. We have no more space. We don't know who is here or who to treat first," said one doctor who hung up the phone before identifying himself at Shifa Hospital, Gaza's main treatment center.

Dr. Moawiya Hassanain, a Gaza Health Ministry official, said at least 192 people were killed and 270 wounded. Frantic civilians drove wounded people to hospitals in their cars.

In the West Bank, Hamas' rival, Abbas, said in a statement that he "condemns this aggression" and called for restraint, according to an aide, Nabil Abu Rdeneh. Abbas, who has ruled only the West Bank since the Islamic Hamas seized power in Gaza in June 2007, was in contact with Arab leaders, and his West Bank Cabinet convened an emergency session.

Israel has targeted Gaza in the past, but the number of simultaneous attacks was unprecedented.

Israel left Gaza in 2005 after a 38-year occupation, but the withdrawal did not lead to better relations with Palestinians in the territory as Israeli officials had hoped.

Instead, the evacuation was followed by a sharp rise in militant attacks on Israeli border communities that on several occasions provoked harsh Israeli military reprisals.

The last, in late February and early March, spurred both sides to agree to a truce that was to have lasted six months but began unraveling in early November.

(This version CORRECTS that siren went off in Kiryat Gat, but there was no rocket.)

ஷியாக்களும் காபிரிகளா?

பாகிஸ்தானில் குண்டுவெடிப்பு - 16 பேர் பலி, 75 பேர் காயம்
வெள்ளி, 05 டிசம்பர் 2008, 18:15 மணி தமிழீழம் [தாயகன்]
பாகிஸ்தானின் பெசாவார் (Peshawar) நகரில் இன்று வெள்ளிக்கிழமை இடம்பெற்ற மகிழுந்துக் குண்டு வெடிப்பில் 16 பேர் கொல்லப்பட்டு, மேலும் 75 பேர் வரையில் காயமடைந்துள்ளனர்.



சியா இன முஸ்லீம் மக்கள் செறிந்து வாழும் பகுதியில் இடம்பெற்ற குண்டு வெடிப்பில் ஒரு கட்டிடம் முற்றாகத் தீக்கிரையாகியுள்ளது.



குறிப்பிட்ட பிரதேசத்தின் மின்சார வழங்கல் பாதிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளதாகவும், குண்டு வெடிப்பால் கோபமடைந்த பிரதேச மக்கள் மீட்புப் பணியாளர்களைத் தாக்கி வருவதாகவும் ஆரம்ப தகவல்கள் கூறியுள்ளன.



20 முதல் 25 கிலோ எடையுள்ள குண்டு வெடிக்க வைக்கப்பட்டிருப்பதாக மாகாண காவல்துறைப் பொறுப்பதிகாரி மலீக் நவீட் கான் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.

பன்றி ரத்தம் தெளித்து அடக்கம் செய்யப்படுமா முஸ்லிம் பயங்கரவாதிகளின் உடல்?

போலீஸார் இவர்களை அடக்கம் செய்யும்போது இந்த முஸ்லீம் பயங்கரவாதிகளின் உடல்கள் மீது பன்றி ரத்தம் தெளித்து அடக்கம் செய்யப்படவேண்டும் என்று பலர் கோரியுள்ளதாக தெரிகிறது.

அழுகி நாறுகின்றன முஸ்லீம் பயங்கரவாதிகளின் உடல்கள்

அடக்கம் செய்யப்பட காத்திருக்கும் தீவிரவாதிகளின் உடல்கள்
திங்கள்கிழமை, டிசம்பர் 15, 2008, 9:29

மும்பை: மும்பைத் தீவிரவாதத் தாக்குதலின்போது கமாண்டோக்களால் சுட்டுக் கொல்லப்பட்ட 9 தீவிரவாதிகளின் உடல்களும், அடக்கம் செய்ய இடம் கிடைக்காமல் 3 வாரங்களாக மருத்துவமனைகளில் வைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளன.

மும்பை தீவிரவாதத் தாக்குதலை மேற்கொண்டு பாதுகாப்புப் படையினரால் கொல்லப்பட்ட 9 தீவிரவாதிகளின் உடல்களையும் அடக்கம் செய்ய இடம் தர மாட்டோம் என மும்பையைச் சேர்ந்த பல்வேறு முஸ்லீம் அமைப்புகள் கூறி விட்டன. இதனால் உடல்களை அடக்கம் செய்ய மயானம் கிடைக்கவில்லை.

அதேசமயம், இவர்களை பாகிஸ்தானியர் என அந்நாட்டு அரசும் அங்கீகரிக்க மறுத்து, உடல்களைப் பெற முன் வராமல் இருக்கிறது.

இதனால் கடந்த 3 வாரங்களாக 9 பேரின் உடல்களும் மருத்துவமனைகளில் வைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளன.





இந்த நிலையில், இதுதொடர்பாக பாகிஸ்தான் தூதரகத்தை அணுகி உடல்களைப் பெற்றுக் கொள்ள ஏற்பாடு செய்யுமாறு கோரி மத்திய வெளியுறவு அமைச்சகத்திற்கு மும்பை காவல்துறை சார்பில் கடிதம் எழுதப்பட்டுள்ளது.

தற்போது 9 உடல்களும் ஜேஜே மருத்துவமனை பிணவறையில் வைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.

மும்பை தாக்குதலில் ஈடுபட்டவர்கள் பாகிஸ்தானியர் அல்ல என்று தொடர்ந்து பிடிவாதமாக கூறி வருகிறது பாகிஸ்தான். உயிருடன் பிடிபட்ட கஸாப், தான் பாகிஸ்தானி என்பதை தானே விவரித்து பாகிஸ்தான் தூதரகத்திற்குக் கடிதம் எழுதியும் கூட அதையும் ஏற்றுக் கொள்ள முன்வரவில்லை அந்த நாடு.

9 பேரின் உடல்களையும் யாரும் பெற முன்வராவிட்டால் அடுத்த கட்ட நடவடிக்கை என்ன என்று மும்பை போலீஸ் கமிஷனர் ஹசன் கபூரிடம் கேட்டபோது, யாரும் வராவிட்டால், சட்டத்தில் கூறப்பட்டுள்ள வழிமுறைகளின்படி உடல்கள் அப்புறப்படுத்தப்படும் என்றார்.

உடல்களை யாரும் பெறாவிட்டால், மும்பை போலீஸாரே தங்களது சொந்த செலவில் அடக்கம் செய்வார்கள் எனத் தெரிகிறது.

மலேசியாவில் மேலும் ஒரு இந்து கோவில் இடிக்கப்பட்டது இந்துக்கள் எதிர்ப்பு

மலேசியாவில் மேலும் ஒரு இந்து கோவில் இடிக்கப்பட்டது இந்துக்கள் எதிர்ப்பு


கோலாலம்பூர், டிச.4-

மலேசியாவில் வழிபாட்டு தலங்களை இடிப்பதற்கு தடை இருந்தபோதிலும் கோலாலம்பூர் நகரில் உள்ள இந்து கோவில் இடித்து தரைமட்டமாக்கப்பட்டது. இதற்கு மலேசிய இந்தியன் காங்கிரஸ் கட்சி எதிர்ப்பு தெரிவித்து உள்ளது.

தடை சட்டத்தை மீறி

மலேசியாவில் இந்து கோவில்களை இடித்து தள்ளியதால் ஆத்திரம் அடைந்த தமிழர்கள் போராட்டத்தில் ஈடுபட்டனர். இதன்பிறகு, வழிபாட்டு தலங்களுக்கு மாற்று இடம் கொடுக்காமல் அதை இடிப்பதற்கு தடை விதித்து சட்டம் நிறைவேற்றப்பட்டது. இந்த சட்டம் இருந்தபோதிலும் இப்போது ஒரு இந்து கோவில் இடித்து தரைமட்டமாக்கப்பட்டது.

கோலாலம்பூரில் டாமன்தேசா என்ற இடத்தில் கடந்த 15 ஆண்டுகளாக ஒரு இந்து கோவில் இருந்து வந்தது. இதில் இந்துக்கள் வழிபாடு நடத்தி வந்தனர். இந்த நிலையில் சமீபத்தில் இந்த கோவிலை இடிப்பது என்று முடிவு எடுத்து கோலாலம்பூர் நகர் மன்ற அதிகாரிகள் கடந்த அக்டோபர் மாதம் நோட்டீஸ் அனுப்பினார்கள். இந்த நோட்டீஸ் கோவில் சுவற்றில் ஒட்டப்பட்டது. கோவில் நிர்வாகிகளிடம் நேரடியாக கொடுக்கப்படவில்லை.

எதிர்ப்பு

நோட்டீசை பார்த்ததும் அதை தடுக்க முயற்சிகள் எடுத்துவரும் நிலையில் கோவில் இடித்து தள்ளப்பட்டது. இது அந்த நகரில் வாழும் இந்துக்கள் மற்றும் தமிழர்கள் மத்தியில் கடும் கோபத்தை ஏற்படுத்தி உள்ளது. மலேசிய இந்தியன் காங்கிரஸ் தலைவர் சாமிவேலுவும் தடையை மீறி எப்படி இந்து கோவிலை இடித்துத்தள்ளலாம்? என்று நகரமன்ற நிர்வாகிகளிடம் கேட்டார். இந்த பிரச்சினையை பிரதமர் படாவியின் கவனத்துக்கு கொண்டுபோகப்போவதாகவும் அவர் எச்சரித்தார்.

மலேசிய அரசில் பிரதேச துறை துணை மந்திரி சரவணனும் கோவில் இடிக்கப்பட்டதால் வருத்தம் அடைந்தார். இந்த பிரச்சினையை நேற்று தன் இலாகாவின் மூத்த மந்திரியான சுல்ஹாசன் ரபீக் கின் கவனத்துக்கு கொண்டு சென்றார். எங்கள் அமைச்சரகத்துக்கு 2 நாள் அவகாசம் கொடுங்கள். நான் இந்த பிரச்சினைக்கு சுமூக தீர்வு காண்கிறேன் என்றும் அவர் கூறினார்.

இந்து ஆதிதிராவிட பெண்களுக்கு விவசாய நிலம் வாங்கும் திட்டம்: விண்ணப்பிக்கலாம்

விவசாய நிலம் வாங்கும் திட்டம்:
இந்து ஆதிதிராவிட பெண்கள் விண்ணப்பிக்கலாம்


திண்டுக்கல்,டிச.17-

விவசாய நிலம் வாங்கும் திட்டத்தில் பயன் பெறுவதற்கு, இந்து ஆதி திராவிட பெண்கள் வருகிற 26-ந்தேதிக்குள் விண்ணப்பிக்கலாம் என்று மாவட்ட கலெக்டர் வாசுகி தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.

விவசாய நிலம்

இது தொடர்பாக அவர் வெளியிட்டுள்ள செய்திக்குறிப்பில் கூறியிருப்பதாவது:-

தேசிய பட்டியல் இனத்தோர் மேம்பாட்டுக்கழகத்தின் வேளாண் நிலம் வாங்கும் திட்டத்தின் கீழ், இந்து ஆதிதிராவிடர் மகளிர் நிலம் வாங்குவதற்கு திண்டுக்கல் மாவட்டத்தை சேர்ந்தவர்களிடம் இருந்து விண்ணப்பங்கள் வரவேற்கப்படுகின்றன.

அனைத்து ஊராட்சி ஒன்றிய அலுவலகத்திலுள்ள வட்டார வளர்ச்சி அலுவலர் (ஆதிதிராவிடர் நலம்) மூலமாகவோ, திண்டுக்கல் மாவட்ட கலெக்டர் அலுவலக வளாகத்திலுள்ள தாட்கோ மாவட்ட மேலாளரை தொடர்பு கொண்டோ விண்ணப்பங்களை இலவசமாக பெற்றுக் கொள்ளலாம்.

இந்து ஆதிதிராவிடர் இனத்தை சேர்ந்த மகளிர் மட்டுமே விண்ணப்பிக்கலாம். வயது வரம்பு 18 முதல் 55 வயதுக்குள் இருத்தல் அவசியம். நிலமற்ற விவசாய கூலி, சிறு, குறு விவசாயிகளாக இருக்க வேண்டும்.

மூல பத்திர நகல்

கிராமப்புறமாக இருந்தால் குடும்ப வருமானம் ஆண்டுக்கு ரூ.18,460-ம், நகர்ப்புறமாக இருந்தால் ரூ.28,536-ம் மிகாமல் இருக்க வேண்டும். இந்த திட்டத்தின் கீழ் விவசாய நிலம் வாங்குவதற்கு மட்டும் அதிகபட்சமாக ரூ.1 லட்சம் நிதியுதவி அளிக்கப்படும்.

இதில் தாட்கோ மானியம் 50 சதவீதமும், பருவக்கடன் 50 சதவீதமும் அடங்கும். ஏற்கனவே தாட்கோ உதவியுடன் விவசாய நிலம் வாங்கியிருந்தால், தற்போது நீர்ப்பாசனம் மற்றும் நில அபிவிருத்திக்காகவும் விண்ணப்பிக்கலாம். விண்ணப்பத்துடன் சாதிச்சான்றிதழ், வருமானச்சான்று, குடும்ப அட்டை, இருப்பிட சான்று ஆகியவற்றின் நகல் களை இணைக்க வேண்டும்.

மேலும் வாங்க விரும்பும் நிலத்தினை பயனாளியே தேர்வு செய்து நில சொந்தக்காரருடன் விலை பேசி ரூ.20-க் கான பத்திரத்தில் வாங்கும் நிலத்திற்கான சிட்டா, அடங்கல், பட்டா புத்தகநகல், வரைபடம், வில்லங்க சான்று, மூலபத்திர நகல், மற்றும் சட்ட ஆலோசகர் கருத்து ஆகியவற்றையும் இணைக்க வேண்டும். நிலம் கொடுக்கிறவர் ஆதி திராவிடராக இருத்தல் கூடாது. பிற இனத்தை சார்ந்தவரிடமே நிலம் வாங்கப்பட வேண்டும்.

26-ந்தேதி கடைசிநாள்

வாங்க உத்தேசித்துள்ள நிலத்துக்கு சந்தை மதிப்பீடு அல்லது அரசு வழிகாட்டி மதிப்பீடு இதில் எது குறைவோ அதன் அடிப்படையில் விலை நிர்ணயம் செய்யப்படும். திண்டுக்கல் மாவட்டத்திலுள்ள நத்தம் மற்றும் கொடைக்கானல் ஊராட்சி ஒன்றியம் தவிர, பிற ஊராட்சி ஒன்றியங்களுக்கு உட்பட்ட பகுதிகளில் நிலம் வாங்குகிறவர்கள் ஏற்கனவே நிலத்தில் கிணறு மற்றும் போர்வெல் ஆகிய நீர்ப்பாசன வசதி உள்ள நிலமாக தேர்வு செய்ய வேண்டும்.

நிலமற்ற விவசாயி மற்றும் சுய உதவிக்குழு உறுப்பினர்களுக்கு முன்னுரிமை அளிக்கப்படும். முத்திரைத்தாள் மற்றும் பதிவுக்கட்டணத்தில் 75 சதவீதம் விலக்கு அளிக்கப்படும். எனவே இந்த திட்டத்துக்கான விண்ணப்பத்தினை வருகிற 26-ந்தேதிக்குள் பூர்த்தி செய்து, திண்டுக்கல் மாவட்ட வளாகத்திலுள்ள தாட்கோ மேலாளர் அலுவலகத்துக்கு நேரிலோ தபால் மூலமாகவோ அனுப்பி வைக்கலாம்.

இவ்வாறு அந்த செய்திக்குறிப்பில் கலெக்டர் வாசுகி தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.

இந்து யாத்திரைகளுக்கும் சலுகை வேண்டும்!: வருங்கால முதல்வர் அர்ஜுன் சம்பத் கோரிக்கை

இந்து யாத்திரைகளுக்கும் சலுகை வேண்டும்!: அர்ஜுன் சம்பத்

உலகெங்கிலுமுள்ள கோடானுகோடி இந்துக்கள் தங்கள் வாழ்நாள்களில் அவரவர் வசதி, வாய்ப்புகளுக்கேற்ப தங்களது இஷ்ட தெய்வங்களை வழிபடுவதற்காகவும், ஆன்மிக அனுபவங்களைப் பெறுவதற்காகவும் தங்களின் வாழ்வின் பல்வேறு காலகட்டங்களில் பலமுறை திருத்தலப் புனிதப்பயணம் மேற்கொள்கிறார்கள்.

பாரத தேசத்தின் ஒருமைப்பாட்டின் ஆன்மாவாக நமது புண்ணியத்தலங்கள் விளங்குகின்றன. வடக்கே இருப்பவர்கள் ராமேசுவரத்துக்கு வந்து புனித நீராடுவதையும் இறைவனைத் தரிசனம் செய்வதையும் தங்கள் வாழ்நாளில் பெரும் பாக்கியமாகக் கருதுகின்றனர்.

தெற்கே இருக்கக்கூடிய நாம் வடக்கிலுள்ள காசிக்குச் செல்வதையும், கங்கையில் நீராடுவதையும் பெரும் பாக்கியமாகக் கருதுகிறோம்.

ஒரு சிவ பக்தன் பனிரெண்டு ஜோதிர்லிங்கங்களைத் தரிசனம் செய்ய யாத்திரை தொடங்கினால், ராமேசுவரம் முதல் கேதார்நாத் வரை இந்தியா முழுவதையும் சுற்றி வரவேண்டும்.

வைஷ்ணவ பக்தன் தம் வாழ்நாளில் 108 திவ்ய தேசங்களுக்கு யாத்திரை மேற்கொண்டால் தமிழகத்தில் தொடங்கி இமயமலையில் உள்ள முக்திநாத் வரை பாரத நாடு முழுமையும் சுற்றி வரவேண்டும்.

சக்தி (அம்மன்) வழிபாடு மேற்கொள்பவர்கள் 52 சக்தி பீடங்களுக்குச் சென்று வரவேண்டுமானால் இந்தியா முழுவதும் சென்று வரவேண்டும்.

ஆகவே, இந்தியத் திருநாட்டின் ஒருமைப்பாட்டின் அச்சாணி நமது திருத்தலங்களுக்கு பக்தர்கள் யாத்திரை மேற்கொள்வதில்தான் இருக்கிறது.

தமிழகத்து இந்துக்கள் மேற்கொள்ளும் யாத்திரைகளில் மிக முக்கியமானது காசி யாத்திரை, முக்திநாத் யாத்திரை, திருக்கயிலாய மானசரோவர் யாத்திரை, 12 ஜோதிர்லிங்க யாத்திரை, வைஷ்ணவி தேவி கோயில் யாத்திரை, சபரிமலை யாத்திரை, ராமேசுவரம் யாத்திரை என பலவகையாகும்.

தமிழகத்துக்குள் பழனி மலை, திருச்செந்தூர் என அறுபடை வீடுகளுக்கு பாதயாத்திரை, மேல்மருவத்தூர் ஆதிபராசக்தி திருக்கோயிலுக்கு யாத்திரை இப்படி பல்வேறுவிதமான புனிதப் பயணங்களை மேற்கொள்கிறார்கள்.

பழங்காலத்தில் புனித யாத்திரை மேற்கொள்பவர்களுக்கு நமது தேசத்தை ஆண்ட மன்னர்களும், வசதி படைத்தவர்களும் அன்ன சத்திரங்களையும், தண்ணீர்ப் பந்தல்களையும், நல்ல சாலை வசதிகளையும் ஏற்படுத்திக் கொடுப்பதை தங்களது பாக்கியமாகவும், கடமையாகவும் கருதிச் செயல்பட்டார்கள் என்பது வரலாறு. புண்ணியத் தலங்களில் யாத்திரீகர் தங்குவதற்கு உரிய வசதிகளையும், யாத்திரீகர்களுக்கு உணவு அளிப்பதற்கும் நல்ல ஏற்பாடுகளை நமது முன்னோர்கள் செய்து வைத்துள்ளார்கள். ஆனால், தற்போது புனிதப் பயணம் மேற்கொள்பவர்களுக்கு ஆளுகின்ற அரசாங்கம் போதிய வசதிகளைச் செய்து கொடுப்பதில்லை என்பது நடைமுறை உண்மையாகும்.

பொதுவாக தற்போது நடந்தும், வாகனங்களிலும், ரயில் மூலமும், விமானம் மூலமும் யாத்திரைகளை மேற்கொள்கிறார்கள். பாதயாத்திரையாகச் செல்பவர்களுக்கு அரசும், பொது நிர்வாகமும் எந்த வசதியும் செய்து கொடுப்பதில்லை. தங்குமிடம், உணவு, தண்ணீர், முதலுதவி, சுகாதாரம் உள்ளிட்ட எந்த வசதிகளும் பாதயாத்திரை செல்பவர்களுக்கு முறையாகக் கிடைப்பதில்லை.

வாகனங்களில் செல்பவர்கள் பல்வேறு இடங்களில் பலவகையான கட்டணங்களைச் செலுத்த வேண்டியிருக்கிறது. ஒரு மாநிலத்திலிருந்து மற்றொரு மாநிலத்துக்குச் செல்லும்போது நுழைவு வரி, மத்திய, மாநில அரசு நெடுஞ்சாலைகளில் பல்வேறு இடங்களில் சுங்க வசூல் கட்டணம், புண்ணியத்தலங்கள் உள்ள கிராமங்களுக்குள் செல்ல நுழைவுக் கட்டணம், புண்ணியத்தலங்களுக்குச் சென்றவுடன் வாகன நிறுத்த கட்டணம் என இப்படி பல இடங்களுக்கு வாகனங்களில் செல்லும் யாத்திரீகர்கள் ஏராளமான செலவு செய்ய வேண்டியுள்ளது.

சிறப்பு பேருந்துகள் திருவிழாக் காலங்களில் ஏற்பாடு செய்யப்பட்டால் அதற்கு இரட்டிப்பு கட்டணம் செலுத்த வேண்டியுள்ளது. சிறப்பு ரயில்கள் ஏற்பாடு செய்யப்பட்டால் அங்கும் அதிக கட்டணம் வசூலிக்கப்படுகிறது. இப்படி இந்துக்கள் எந்த வழியில் யாத்திரை மேற்கொண்டாலும் போக்குவரத்துக்காக ஏராளமான செலவு செய்ய வேண்டியுள்ளது.

புண்ணியத் தலங்களில் தங்குமிட வசதிகள், குடிநீர், சுகாதார, முதலுதவி வசதிகள் பக்தர்களுக்கு முறையாகச் செய்து தரப்படுவதில்லை. கோயில்களிலும் அனைத்து விதமான வழிபாட்டு முறைகளிலும் இறைவனைத் தரிசனம் செய்வதற்கும் பல வகையான கட்டணங்களைச் செலுத்த வேண்டியுள்ளது. பக்தர்களிடம் பணம் பறிக்கும் நோக்கமே ஓங்கி நிற்கிறது.

இப்படி பெரும்பான்மையான இந்துக்கள் மேற்கொள்ளும் புனிதப் பயணங்களுக்கு பலவிதமான இடையூறுகள் உள்ளன. குறிப்பாக, திருக்கயிலை மானசரோவர் யாத்திரை மேற்கொள்ள வேண்டுமென்றால் முதலில் இந்திய அரசாங்கத்திடம் கடவுச்சீட்டு (பாஸ்போர்ட்) மற்றும் அனுமதி பெற வேண்டும். பிறகு சீன அரசாங்கத்திடம் அனுமதி பெற வேண்டும். நேபாளம் வழியாகச் செல்பவர்கள் நேபாள அரசாங்கத்திடம் அனுமதி பெற வேண்டும்.

கயிலாயம் 1963-ம் ஆண்டு சீனாவால் ஆக்கிரமிக்கப்பட்டது. சீன அரசாங்கம் எந்த ஒரு வசதியும் அங்கு செய்து தருவதில்லை. வெங்கடேஸ்வரன் என்பவர் வெளியுறவுத் துறை செயலாளராக இருந்தபோது சீன அரசு கயிலையைத் தரிசனம் செய்ய வரும் பக்தர்களின் வசதிக்காக திருக்கயிலை பகுதியில் தகவல் கோபுரம் ஒன்றை அமைக்க முன்வந்தது. பாதி செலவுகளை சீன அரசு ஏற்றுக்கொள்வதாகவும், மீத செலவை இந்திய அரசு ஏற்றுக்கொள்ள வேண்டும் என்று இந்திய அரசாங்கத்தைக் கோரியது. வெங்கடேஸ்வரனும் அதற்கான முயற்சியை செய்தார்.

ஆனால் அப்போதைய காங்கிரஸ் அரசாங்கம் இந்தியா ஒரு மதச்சார்பற்ற நாடு என்றும், ஒரு குறிப்பிட்ட மதத்தவர்கள் மேற்கொள்ளும் யாத்திரைக்கு மத்திய அரசு செலவு செய்வது தவறான முன்னுதாரணமாகிவிடும் என்றும் சொல்லி கயிலை யாத்திரை மேற்கொள்ளும் பக்தர்களுக்கு உதவி செய்ய மறுத்தது. திருக்கயிலாயம் சென்று வருபவர்களுக்கான விதிமுறைகளும், நடைமுறைகளும் ஆண்டுதோறும் மேலும் மேலும் கடுமையாக்கப்படுவதோடு, செலவினங்களும் மிக அதிகரித்து வருகின்றன.

அதேநேரத்தில் மதச்சார்பற்ற இந்திய நாட்டில் இஸ்லாமிய சகோதரர்கள் மேற்கொள்ளும் ஹஜ் யாத்திரைக்கு மத்திய, மாநில அரசுகள் போட்டி போட்டுக்கொண்டு பல்வேறு வகையில் உதவி செய்வதோடு நிதி உதவியும், மானியமும் கொடுத்து வருகின்றன.

ஹஜ் யாத்திரை என்பது இஸ்லாமியர்களின் புனிதமான மதக்கடமைகளில் ஒன்றாகும். ஹஜ் யாத்திரை என்பது அரபு நாட்டிலுள்ள மெக்கா, மதினா ஆகிய தலங்களுக்குச் சென்று தரிசனம் செய்து திரும்புவதாகும். இதற்கு தேவையான விமானங்களை அரசாங்கம் மிக தாராளமாக இயக்குகிறது. விமானக் கட்டணத்தில் சலுகைகள் வழங்கப்படுகின்றன. ஹஜ் பயணம் மேற்கொள்பவர்களுக்கு உணவு, தங்குமிடம், மருத்துவ வசதிகளை இந்தியாவிலும், அரபு நாட்டிலும் தாராளமாக மத்திய, மாநில அரசுகள் செய்து கொடுக்கின்றன.

ஆண்டுதோறும் ஹஜ் பயணிகளின் எண்ணிக்கை அதிகரிப்பதோடு அவர்களுக்கான நிதி உதவித் தொகையும் அதிகரிக்கப்படுகிறது. கடந்த ஆண்டு ஒரு லட்சத்துக்கும் மேற்பட்ட இஸ்லாமிய சகோதரர்கள் ஹஜ் பயணம் மேற்கொண்டனர். இதற்காக ரூ. 250 கோடி மத்திய அரசாங்கத்தால் செலவு செய்யப்பட்டது. ஹஜ் யாத்திரை மேற்கொள்பவர்களுக்கு உதவுவதற்காக மத்திய, மாநில அரசுகள் தனித்தனியாக பல்வேறு அமைப்புகளை ஏற்படுத்தி நிதி ஒதுக்கி, அமைச்சர்களே நேரில் சென்று சிறப்பான ஏற்பாடுகளைச் செய்து கொடுக்கிறார்கள்.

இதேபோல் அண்மையில் ஆந்திர மாநில அரசு கிறிஸ்துவ சகோதரர்கள் மேற்கொள்கின்ற புனித யாத்திரைக்கும் நிதி ஒதுக்கீடு செய்வதாக அறிவித்துள்ளது. குறிப்பாக, கிறிஸ்தவர்கள் புனிதத் தலமாகக் கருதும் ஜெருசலம், பெத்தலகேம் ஆகிய வெளிநாட்டில் உள்ள ஊர்களுக்குச் சென்று வருவதற்கு ஆந்திர காங்கிரஸ் அரசின் முதல்வர் சாமுவேல் ராஜசேகரரெட்டி நிதியுதவி வழங்கும் உத்தரவைப் பிறப்பித்துள்ளார்.

தாராளமாக இஸ்லாமிய, கிறிஸ்தவ மக்கள் மேற்கொள்ளும் யாத்திரைகளுக்கு நிதியுதவி வழங்கும் மத்திய, மாநில அரசுகளைக் கண்டு நாம் வருத்தப்படவில்லை. ஆனால் அதேநேரத்தில் இத்தகைய உதவிகள் பெரும்பான்மை மக்களுக்கும் கிடைத்திட வேண்டும் என்று எதிர்பார்ப்பதில் என்ன தவறு இருக்க முடியும்?

சில மாநில அரசுகள், குறிப்பாக கர்நாடக அரசு கயிலாய மானசரோவர் யாத்திரை மேற்கொள்பவர்களுக்கு ரூ.25 ஆயிரம் வரை உதவி செய்கிறது. இதேபோல் குஜராத் அரசும் இத்தகைய உதவியைச் செய்கிறது. ஒவ்வோர் ஆண்டும் கயிலாய யாத்திரை மேற்கொள்பவர்களின் எண்ணிக்கை சில ஆயிரங்கள் மட்டுமே. அதிலும் குறிப்பாக தமிழகத்திலிருந்து கயிலாய யாத்திரை மேற்கொள்பவர்கள் சில நூறு மட்டுமே.

கயிலாய யாத்திரை மேற்கொள்பவர்களுக்கு நிதியுதவி வழங்க வேண்டும் என தமிழக சட்டப்பேரவையில் பாமக எம்எல்ஏ ஒருவர் கோரிக்கை வைத்தபோது முதல்வர் கருணாநிதி அவருக்கே உரிய பாணியில் இந்த சிறிய வயதில் கயிலாயம் செல்வதற்கு உதவ மாட்டேன் என்று கேலியாகப் பதிலளித்தார்.

ஆனாலும் திருக்கயிலாயம், முக்திநாத் செல்பவர்களுக்கு அண்டை மாநில அரசுகள் உதவி செய்வதுபோல தமிழக அரசும் உதவி செய்திட வேண்டும் என்கிற கோரிக்கை தற்போது தமிழகத்தில் உள்ள அனைத்து தரப்பு மக்களாலும் எழுப்பப்படுகிறது.

இந்த நியாயமான கோரிக்கையை மத்திய, மாநில அரசுகள் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளுமா? திருத்தல யாத்ரீகர்களிடம் பணம் பிடுங்கும் நிலைமை மாறி, அவர்களுக்கு வசதி செய்து கொடுக்க அரசு முன்வருமா? இந்தக் கேள்விகள் ஓங்கி ஒலிக்கத் தொடங்கி இருக்கின்றன.

இன்று மாநாடு: தமிழக தெய்வீகப் பேரவை சார்பில் அனைத்து குருமகா சன்னி

தானங்களும் சைவ ஆதீனங்களும் வைணவ

ஜீயர்களும் மடாதிபதிகளும் அடியார் பெருமக்களும் பங்கேற்கும் கோரிக்கை மாநாடு வியாழக்கிழமை (25.12.2008) சென்னையில் நடைபெறுகிறது. இந்து யாத்ரீகர்களுக்கும் உதவி

செய்ய வேண்டும் என்கிற கோரிக்கையை வலியுறுத்தி பேரணி, பொதுக்கூட்டம் நடைபெறுகிறது. மாநில முதல்வர், ஆளுநர் ஆகியோரைச் சந்தித்து மனு அளிக்க திட்டமிடப்பட்டுள்ளது.

அண்ணா பல்கலைக்கழகத்தில் கிறிஸ்துவ பிரச்சாரம் செய்யும் துணைவேந்தர் மன்னர் ஜவஹர்

மன்னர் ஜவஹர் என்ற கிறிஸ்துவனை துணை வேந்தராக ஆக்கியதிலிருந்து அண்ணா பல்கலைக்கழகத்தில் கிறிஸ்துவ பிரச்சாரம் கொடி கட்டி பறக்கிறது.

சமீபத்தில் விவேகானந்தா ஆடிட்டோரியத்தில் அண்ணா பல்கலைக்கழகத்து அதிகாரப்ப்பூர்வமான கிறிஸ்துமஸ் கொண்டாட்டம் நடந்தது.

அதில் தினகரன் என்ற ஏமாற்று பேர்வழியை கூட்டிக்கொண்டுவந்து மாணவர்களை அழைத்து கிறிஸ்துவ பிரச்சாரம் வேறு நடந்துள்ளது.

தீய சக்திகளை வழிபடுவோர்கள், அந்த தீய சக்திகளை விட்டுவிட்டு ஏசுவை வழிபடுவதற்கு விருப்பப்படுவோர்கள், கண்ணை மூடிக்கொண்டு கையை உயர்த்துங்கள். நான் உங்களை ஏசுவிடம் அழைத்துச் செல்கிறேன் என்று இந்த டுபாக்கூர் பேர்வழி மாணவர்களிடம் சொல்கிறான்.

திமுக ஆட்சியை தூக்கி எறியவேண்டிய நேரம் வந்துவிட்டது.

தீய சக்தியான பேயான ஏசுவை வழிபடுபவர்கள், அந்த தீய சக்தியை விட்டுவிட்டு இந்துமதத்துக்கு வருவதற்கு விரும்புபவர்கள் கண்களை திறந்துகொண்டு கையை கும்பிடுங்கள்.

யாரும் உங்களை இந்துமதத்துக்கு கொண்டுசெல்லவேண்டாம். நீங்களே போகலாம்.

தென்னாப்பிரிக்காவில் இந்துக்கோவில் மீது பயங்கரவாதிகள் தாக்குதல்

இது போன்று தென்னாப்பிரிக்காவில் இந்துக்கோவில்கள் மீது தாக்குதல் நடப்பது சமீபத்தில் ஆறாவது முறை.

பயங்கரவாதிகள் மனம் திருந்தி இந்து வழியை ஏற்று ஆன்மீகத்தை அடைய வேண்டுவோம்.


Indian temple attacked in South Africa

21 Dec 2008, 1713 hrs IST, PTI



DURBAN: A prominent Hindu temple here has been attacked, the sixth such incident in an Indian place of worship since March this year, drawing sharp
reaction from the religious leaders of the Indian community against the brazen strike by criminal elements.

Hindu, Muslim and Christian religious leaders strongly reacted after the Grama Devi temple was raided by criminals for the second time this week since September.

Devotees were robbed of jewellery, watches, cell phones, and other valuables.

The Anglican Bishop of KwaZulu-Natal, Reuben Philip, who is of an Indian origin said robberies at places of worship was a new phenomenon.

"Criminals seem to be taking advantage of vulnerable communities," he said.

A member of the Inter-religious council, Philip said the body would take up the matter with the police authorities.

Ashwin Trikamjee, chairman of the South African Hindu Maha Sabha and National Religious Leaders' Forum, said the attacks on places of worship was "unacceptable".

"This speaks volumes about the security situation in this country and reflects the brazenness of criminals. Communities need to take measures to deal with the crime situation," he said.

Echoing the other religious leaders Saydoon Nissa Sayed of the KwaZulu-Natal Inter-Religious Forum said, "We have met ministers and raised our concerns but the issue of robberies at places of worship has not been addressed yet."

ஹேமந்த் கர்கரேவை கொல்லப்போவதாக மிரட்டிய பயங்கரவாதிகள் யார்?

ஹேமந்த் கர்கரேவை கொல்லப்போவதாக மிரட்டிய பயங்கரவாதிகள் யார்? என்ற கேள்விக்கு பதில் கிடைத்துள்ளது.

Indian Mujahideen had warned Karkare, ATS in emails
20 Dec 2008, 0112 hrs IST, Vishwa Mohan, TNN

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NEW DELHI: Pakistani terrorists who killed Hemant Karkare during their attack on the metropolis last month may not have known whom they shot on
26/11, but the senior cop and his Anti-Terrorism Squad had long been on the hit-list of their handlers - a fact which found mention in the emails sent by jehadis after the serial blasts in Bangalore and Ahmedabad.

The Indian Mujahideen (IM) - the terror outfit which carried out a number of serial blasts in different cities at the behest of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) in the past one year - had in its email sent on August 23 made it plain that Karkare was on their ‘hit list’.

Referring to the arrest of their cadres, the IM - a splinter group of SIMI - said: "Let us notify you, especially the top officials of the ATS like Hemant Karkare and allies that our line of attack has already been masterminded for you."

Karkare and other cops like Ashok Kamate and Vijay Salaskar were shot within three months of the dire warning.

This may not have been a boost when viewed in light of the statement of arrested terrorist Mohammed Ajmal Kasab that the jehadis had originally planned to attack Mumbai but had to abort the plot after cops in Rajasthan, Delhi, Gujarat - helped by IB and Karkare's ATS - managed to bust the IM modules responsible for a string of terror attacks across cities.

In that particular seven-page email - sent by IM to media houses after the arrest of its cadres by the Gujarat Police -, the outfit had even warned that the jehadis would carry out their next attack right in front of the cops' eyes.

Pointing to the Mumbai ATS, it said: "We are directly challenging you that Insha Allah we will carry out our next attacks right under your ‘close vigil’, your ‘critical surveillance’ and yes, of course, in presence of all those confidential reports that you receive from your secret sources of the IB - the ‘Ignorance Bureau’."

A more general threat had come from IM on September 13, the day it carried out the serial blasts in Delhi. Its email, sent minutes before the blasts, had even mentioned the raids Mumbai ATS had carried out in certain localities of the city after the Ahmedabad serial bombings (July 26).

It said: "Taking into account all that followed after July 26, it seems that the entire Mumbai ATS has failed to take heed from our previous warnings and is deliberately committed to mess with us."

It said that IM was aware of the ATS raids at Ansarnagar and Mograpada in Andheri.

The email said: "...let the IM warn all the people of Mumbai that whatever deadly attacks you will face in future, the only responsible elements for it will be the Mumbai ATS and their guardians: Vilasrao Deshmukh (the then chief minister) and R R Patil (the then home minister). You are already on our hit-list and this time very, very seriously."

Even the email sent on the day of Ahmedabad serial blasts on July 26, IM mentioned certain police action in some of the Muslim localities of Mumbai and warned the police of dire consequences.

Though the other two emails -- sent in November 2007 during the serial blasts in UP courts and on May 13 after the Jaipur bombing -- mentioned its warning about cities like Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata and Chennai, it did not specify any police unit, like Mumbai ATS or Gujarat ATS. The names of such cells came up in the subsequent emails when these police units started the probes in the wake of the Ahmedabad serial blasts.

Sources in intelligence agencies also pointed out that before he was attacked by BJP and the larger Sangh Parivar as well as Shiv Sena for arresting Lt Colonel Shrikant Purohit, Sadhvi Pragya and alleged Shankaracharya Dayanand Pande for the Malegaon blasts, Karkare and his team had to face an equally vicious campaign for chargesheeting eight Muslims for the 2006 attack on the Barelvi mosque in Mahrashtra's powerloom town.

The pressure from the Muslim outfits who were supported by ‘secular’ activists led the Centre to order a CBI investigation into the 2006 blast even when ATS had almost wrapped up its investigation and would soon file the chargesheet against those it had arrested.

அமெரிக்காவில் படித்துக்கொண்டே அமெரிக்காவுக்கு குண்டு வைக்க யூட்யூப் வீடியோ போட்ட முஸ்லீம் மாணவருக்கு 15 வருட சிறை

அமெரிக்காவில் படித்துக்கொண்டே அமெரிக்காவுக்கு குண்டு வைக்க யூட்யூப் வீடியோ போட்ட முஸ்லீம் மாணவருக்கு 15 வருட சிறை

Student gets 15 years for Youtube bomb video

by Andy Carvell posted on December 19, 2008 6:26 pm



A student was sentenced to 15 years imprisonment for uploading a 12 minute bomb-making video to Youtube.

Ahmed Abdellatif Sherif Mohamed, an Egyptian student, was studying at the University of South Florida when he was arrested. Police who pulled him over allegedly found explosives in his car, though this charge was subsequently dropped as part of a plea agreement in June 2008.

When authorities searched Mohamed’s laptop, they found a 12 minute video which contained a demonstration of how to turn a Wal-Mart remote controlled toy car into a detonator for a bomb. The suspect’s voice narrated the video in Arabic. The video had been posted to Youtube and viewed hundreds of times.


Doing himself no favours, Mohammed had claimed in court that he intended the video to be used by enemies of the United States, which he claimed was a ‘vile nation’.

Read more over at Wired

தியோநேஸ்டே பகாசூரா - 5,00,000 பேரை கொன்ற கிறிஸ்துவ பயங்கரவாதி

ர்வாண்டாவில் தியோநெஸ்டே பகாசூரா என்ற கிறிஸ்துவ பயங்கரவாதிக்கு 4 லட்சம் மக்களை கொன்றதற்காக ஆயுள் தண்டனை விதிக்கப்பட்டது.

தமிழ்நாட்டு கிறிஸ்துவர்கள் வெறுப்பை கக்கும் பிரச்சாரத்தை செய்யும்போது அவர்களிடம் ஜாக்கிரதையாக இருங்கள்.

வெள்ளைக்காரர்களிடம் கூலி பெற்றுக்கொண்டு சொந்த மக்களையே கொன்று வெறியாட்டம் ஆடியது இது முதன் முறையும் அல்ல கிறிஸ்துவர்களுக்கு கடைசி முறையும் அல்ல.


Théoneste Bagosora
AKA 'Colonel Death', AKA 'Rwanda's Milosevic'.

Country: Rwanda.

Kill tally: Over 500,000 Tutsis and thousands of moderate Hutus during the Rwandan genocide of 1994. (The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda estimates "some 800,000 Rwandans were killed." Other sources estimate that between 800,000 and one million were killed.)

Background: Pre-colonial Rwandan society is made up of three social groups - the Tutsi, the Hutu and the Twa. The Tutsi are a cattle-rearing elite. The Hutu are "commoner" farmers. The Twa are forest-dwellers.

Landlocked and inaccessible, Rwanda is one of the last areas of Africa to be exposed to Europeans. In 1899 the Tutsi king allows Germany to establish a protectorate over the country. Following the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 the Germans are chased out by troops from the neighbouring Belgian Congo. After the war the League of Nations, the forerunner to the United Nations (UN), confirms Belgian control.

In 1933 the group divides are entrenched when all Rwandans are registered as Hutu, Tutsi or Twa and issued with a racial identity card. About 15% of the population declare themselves as Tutsi, approximately 84% say they are Hutu, and the remaining 1% identify as Twa.

The colonial system serves to polarise Rwandan society. While the Tutsi elite comes to see itself as superior with a right to rule, the Hutu come to see themselves as an oppressed majority. More background.

Mini biography: Born on 16 August 1941 in the commune of Giciye in the northwest of Rwanda. He is a Hutu. According to Bagosora his family is "Christian and relatively well-off." His father is a teacher.

Bagosora will become an anti-Tutsi extremist, believing the Hutu are the "legitimate possessors of the region, where they lived 'harmoniously' with the Twa since the ninth century."

The Tutsi, on the other hand, "never had a country of their own to allow them to become a people" and are "masters of deceit," "dictatorial, cruel, bloody," "arrogant, clever and sneaky."

Bagosora pursues a career in the Rwandan Army. In 1964 he graduates from the Ecole des Officiers (School for Officers) in Kigali with the rank of second lieutenant. He undergoes military training in Belgium and France, receiving a certificate in advanced military studies from France's staff college.

He is made second-in-command of the Ecole Supérieure Militaire (Higher Military School) in Kigali then commander of the Kanombe Military Camp, also in Kigali. In June 1992 he is appointed directeur de cabinet (cabinet director) to the minister of defence.

Bagosora retires from the Rwandan Army on 23 September 1993 with the rank of colonel but continues to act as cabinet director to the minister of defence. He will retain this position up until the time he flees the country in July 1994.

1957 - On 24 March Grégoire Kayibanda, the editor of the Catholic newspaper 'Kinyamateka', and Catholic Bishop Perrudin publish a 'Hutu Manifesto' calling for the emancipation of the Hutu.

1959 - In November a Hutu rebellion overthrows the Tutsi monarchy. The so-called 'Hutu Revolution' stretching over the following half-dozen years will result in the deaths of about 20,000 Tutsi. Up to 300,000 more, including the king, flee to neighbouring countries. By 1991 the Tutsi will make up only about 8.4% of the population, or just over half the level declared in 1933.

1960 - Rwanda is granted limited autonomy by Belgium on 1 January.

The Parti du Mouvement de l'Émancipation des Bahutu (Party of the Hutu Emancipation Movement - PARMEHUTU), headed by Grégoire Kayibanda, wins elections for an interim government and unofficially declares the country a republic. The use of group identity cards is maintained.

1961 - PARMEHUTU's successor, the Mouvement Démocratique Républicain (Democratic Republican Movement - MDR), wins an overwhelming majority in an UN-supervised election held in September. The Hutu-dominated party takes government, with Grégoire Kayibanda as president. An 80% majority also votes to end the monarchy.

The MDR will also win the elections held in 1965 and 1969.

1962 - In June a UN General Assembly resolution grants full independence to Rwanda. The first Rwandan republic officially comes into existence on 1 July.

1963 - In December several hundred Tutsi exiles from the 1959 revolution form a militia and attempt to invade Rwanda from neighbouring Burundi. The invasion force comes within 19 km of the capital Kigali before being defeated by the Rwandan Army.

During the conflict thousands of Rwandan Tutsi are killed by their Hutu countrymen.

1973 - The military, led by Defence Minister Major-general Juvénal Habyarimana, stage a bloodless coup on 5 July. Parliament is dissolved and all political activity is banned. Habyarimana, a Hutu from the northwest prefecture of Gisenyi, declares himself president of the second Rwandan republic.

As with the previous regime, the use of group identity cards is maintained.

Earlier actions to secure Hutu power are extended. Tutsi employment is restricted, especially in the public service. Hutu take complete control of the army.

For the first 10 years of Habyarimana's rule the economy does relatively well, although cronyism become rife, with Hutus from Habyarimana's home province receiving preferential treatment over those from the rest of the country.

1975 - Habyarimana declares Rwanda to be a one-party state under the Mouvement Révolutionnaire National pour le Développement (National Revolutionary Movement for Development - MRND). Habyarimana is president of the state, president of the party and head of the army. He will remain president of Rwanda up until the time of his death in 1994.

1987 - Tutsi exiles based in neighbouring Uganda, along with some Hutu dissidents, form the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).

The RPF seeks to overthrow Habyarimana and establish a multiparty democracy. At its core are Tutsi officers serving in the Ugandan army. The Front's armed wing, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), is commanded by Paul Kagame.

1988 - A sharp drop in the international price of coffee, Rwanda's main export, sees the economy falter. The situation is exacerbated by a drought that begins in 1989. At the same time dissatisfaction with Habyarimana begins to mount as evidence grows of corruption and favouritism towards Hutu from Habyarimana's home province. Critics of the regime begin to call for greater democracy.

1990 - On 1 October about 3,500 RPF operatives within the Ugandan Army desert with their equipment and move south over the border into Rwanda, heading for Kigali with the intent of unseating Habyarimana and implementing political reform. They are joined by about 3,500 Tutsi refugees.

Success for the RPF seems a real possibility until France, Belgium and Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo) send troops to Rwanda to support the defence. The RPF advance is halted then reversed. (France will later provide further assistance to the Rwandan Army, including military training.)

Pushed back across the Ugandan border and approximately halved in number, the RPF reorganises and begins a guerrilla war, attacking Rwanda from bases in Uganda.

The attempted invasion results in an escalation of violence against Tutsis in Rwanda. About a dozen massacres will take place prior to the 1994 genocide, with a death toll of about 2,000 Tutsis. No one will ever be brought to account for the killings.

Rattled by the RPF's attack, Habyarimana and several of his close associates begin to devise a strategy to incite hatred and fear of the Tutsis, unite the Hutu majority, and keep themselves in power.

1991 - In response to internal and international pressure and to the attack by the RPF, Habyarimana reestablishes Rwanda as a multiparty democracy.

At the same time, the MRND (now Mouvement Républicain National pour la Démocratie et le Développement) transforms its youth group, known as the 'Interahamwe' (Those Who Stand Together or Those Who Attack Together), into a militia.

Beginning in 1992 the Interahamwe receives military training from the Rwandan Army. It will commit its first atrocities at Bugesera in northwest Rwanda in March 1992, slaughtering Tutsis during one of several massacres committed in the run-up to the 1994 genocide.

1992 - In April a prime minister is appointed to a transitional government in preparation for multiparty elections in 1995. The transitional government is composed of the MRND, the MDR, the Parti Démocrate Chrétien (PDC - Centrist Democratic Party), Parti Libéral (PL - Liberal Party) and the Parti Social Démocrate (PSD). Habyarimana remains as president. The prime minister is from the MDR.

The new government soon makes changes in the army high command, rejecting Bagosora as chief-of-staff and installing him instead as directeur de cabinet (cabinet director) to the minister of defence.

In June the RPF recommences hostilities, winning a substantial foothold in the northeast of Rwanda. With the RPF again a real threat, and with internal opposition mounting, the transitional government goes to the negotiating table.

On 12 July a cease-fire agreement between the RPF and the transitional government is signed in Arusha, in the northeast of Tanzania. The agreement calls for political talks on a peace accord and power sharing. The cease-fire takes effect on 31 July. The talks begin on 10 August. The first protocol of the so-called Arusha Accords is signed seven days later.

Habyarimana, the MRND, elements within the army, and the Interahamwe largely reject the talks and accords. Habyarimana fears that granting too many concessions to the RPF could provoke a coup. His head of military intelligence, Anatole Nsengiyumva, predicts that, in the event of major concessions, the military will kill the political leaders responsible while the general Hutu population will massacre their Tutsi neighbours then flee the country.

Meanwhile, on 21 September, Army Chief-of-staff Colonel Déogratias Nsabimana issues a top-secret memorandum to his commanders identifying and defining "the enemy" as:

"The Tutsi inside or outside the country, extremist and nostalgic for power, who have NEVER recognised and will NEVER recognise the realities of the 1959 social revolution and who wish to reconquer power by all means necessary, including arms."

Bagosora instructs the general staffs of the army and police to establish lists of the enemy and their accomplices. The lists are maintained and updated by the Intelligence Bureau of the army. They will be used in the 1994 genocide to target victims.

1993 - Early in the year Bagosora sketches out elements of a program to create a regional-based "civilian self-defence force" of non-professional recruits commanded by retired soldiers or other military men. He attempts to implement the program, distributing firearms to Hutu communes in the northwest, but is countermanded by the minister for defence.

However, by November the proposal has been largely accepted by senior army officers and in early 1994 a document called 'Organisation de l'Auto-Défense Civile' (Organisation of Civilian Self-defence) is produced.

According to Human Rights Watch the document states that the civilian force will defend against not only uniformed RPF combatants but also "disguised RPF" and their "accomplices". While overall coordination will come from the ministries of interior and defence, all levels of government will be involved in implementing the plan, from "the presidency and the military general staff down to the level of the administrative sector."

Soldiers and political leaders distribute firearms to militia and other Habyarimana supporters in 1993 and early 1994, but Bagosora concludes that firearms are too costly to distribute to all participants. He advocates arming most of the young men with weapons such as machetes. Businessmen close to Habyarimana import enough machetes to arm one in every three adult male Hutu.

At the same time, recruitment to and training of the Interahamwe is expanded.

On 8 February the RPF violates the cease-fire and launches a massive attack all along the northern front. The Rwandan Army is rapidly driven back. Though the cease-fire is soon reinstated and the peace talks continued, the move leads to a rise in politically directed violence within Rwanda. Most of the abuse is directed against opponents of the MRND.

Late in July donor-nations along with the World Bank hand Habyarimana an ultimatum - sign the final Arusha Accords or international funding for his government will be halted. With an already weak economy buckling under the cost of the war and associated military spending, Habyarimana has no choice.

The accords are signed on 4 August. They provide for a transitional period leading up to elections for a democratic government. During this period power will reside with a broad-based transitional government in which the RPF will be represented. All refugees will be allowed to return, the RPF will be merged with the national army and the size of the combined force will be halved. A UN peacekeeping force (the United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda, or UNAMIR) will be stationed in Rwanda to oversee the transition.

The UNAMIR force will number about 2,500 troops, including 440 Belgians, 942 Bangladeshis, 843 Ghanaians, 60 Tunisians and 255 others from 20 countries. Under its rules of engagement the force, commanded by General Roméo Dallaire, is to use weapons "normally for self-defence only." The use of force for deterrence or retaliation is forbidden.

While the broad community welcomes the peace, hard-line Hutus, especially within the armed forces, see the accords as a sell-out.

Bagosora is completely opposed to the accords and scorns those Hutu who had signed it as "House Hutu and opportunists." According to charges that will be laid against him by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda following the genocide, Bagosora publicly states "that the solution to the war (is) to plunge the country into an apocalypse in order to eliminate all the Tutsi and thus ensure lasting peace."

On 3 December General Dallaire, the commander of UNAMIR, receives a letter from three senior officers in the Rwandan Army warning that "massacres ... are being prepared and are supposed to spread throughout the country, beginning with the regions that have a great concentration of Tutsi."

According to the officers, politicians opposed to the MRND would be assassinated in a plan initiated by Habyarimana and supported by a handful of military officers from his home province.

Later in December Belgian intelligence agents report that, "The Interahamwe are armed to the teeth and on alert. Many of them have been trained at the military camp in Bugesera. Each of them has ammunition, grenades, mines and knives. They have been trained to use guns that are stockpiled with their respective chiefs. They are all just waiting for the right moment to act."

1994 - On 11 January General Dallaire sends a telegram to his superiors describing a build-up of the Interahamwe and warning that all Tutsi in Kigali are being targeted for extermination. The telegram says that an Interahamwe informant has revealed a plan to kill a number of Belgian soldiers in the UNAMIR contingent "and thus guarantee Belgian withdrawal from Rwanda." It says that the informant has also disclosed the location of a "major weapons cache." However, the UN vetoes a proposal to seize the weapons.

UN heavyweights like the United States, the United Kingdom and France also refuse to consider requests to broaden UNAMIR's mandate.

On 6 April unknown assailants shoot down an aeroplane carrying President Habyarimana and the president of Burundi, Cyprien Ntaryamira, as it prepares to land at Kigali. Both men are killed. The chief-of-staff of the Rwandan Army also dies in the crash.

Coincidentally, the minister of defence, the chief of Army Intelligence Services, and the officer in charge of operations in the Army General Staff are all out of the country.

In the ensuing power-vacuum Bagosora takes charge, closing out the Prime Minister and leader of the MDR, Agathe Uwilingiyimana, and initiating steps that will eliminate all legitimate claimants to government and all opposition within the armed forces. He fails, however, to have himself officially installed as the country's leader.

Undeterred, Bagosora begins issuing orders for the extermination of Rwanda's Tutsi population. The Presidential Guard and other elite troops loyal to Bagosora, backed by about 2,000 militia, target prominent Tutsi leaders and officials named on pre-prepared lists.

Prime Minister Uwilingiyimana and 10 Belgian peacekeepers sent to protect her are among the first victims. The Belgians are killed about 100 metres from where Bagosora is attending a meeting. He does nothing to intervene.

On 8 April Bagosora and his cohorts select an interim government composed solely of supporters of the so-called 'Hutu Power' movement. Jean Kambanda is appointed as government leader.

The Rwandan Army, the UN and the international community accept the move. The interim government is installed the following day.

The Hutu Power leaders now have the political means to coordinate and carry out genocide.

The Presidential Guard, the elite Reconnaissance and Paracommando battalions, the National Police and militia groups begin rounding up and killing Tutsis in Kigali. Hutus who had opposed the Habyarimana Government or were critical of Hutu Power movement are also pursued.

According to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, "From April to July 1994, by virtue of his position, his statements, the orders he gave and his acts, Colonel Théoneste Bagosora exercised authority over members of the Forces Armées Rwandaises (Rwandan Army and National Police), their officers and militiamen. The military and militiamen, as from 6 April 1994, committed massacres of the Tutsi population and of moderate Hutu which extended throughout Rwandan territory with the knowledge of Colonel Théoneste Bagosora."

The UNAMIR peacekeepers try to maintain some order but are muzzled by UN headquarters in New York, where the US, the UK and France continue to block any attempt to broaden the mission's mandate. The peacekeepers are allowed to help evacuate foreigners but prevented from stopping the genocide or assisting Tutsis to escape. The are forced to stand by and watch.

The violence spreads beyond Kigali.

Broadcasts by Radio RTLM (Radio Télévision des Mille Collines) and Radio Rwanda encourage ordinary citizens to join in on the slaughter, issuing directives, naming victims, providing instructions for the erection barriers and conduct of searches, and inciting the continuation of the genocide. Tutsi are characterised as 'Inyenzi' (cockroaches) who should be exterminated and their dead bodies thrown into the Nyabarongo River. Both stations have close ties with the MRND.

The country's borders are closed to prevent Tutsi from escaping. Identity cards are checked at roadblocks. Those identified as Tutsi face almost certain death. Women and girls are routinely raped before being killed. Others are held as sex slaves.

Politicians and government officials campaign in support of the genocide. District administrators help with the coordination. Soldiers and police direct the major massacres. The Interahamwe and other militia do much of the actual killing, though tens of thousands of ordinary citizens also take part, either willingly or under duress. Membership of the militia swells from about 2,000 to between 20,000 and 30,000.

On 26 April the program for a "civilian defence force" as set out in the 'Organisation of Civilian Self-defence' document is formally announced on Radio Rwanda. The program is run from Bagosora's office and administered by military officers loyal to him.

According to a Human Rights Watch briefing paper, "In the weeks before its formal establishment, as in the weeks after, the civilian self-defence system was used to mobilise ordinary civilians to hunt Tutsi civilians who had been identified with the military enemy. Using the civilian self-defence effort against non-combatants, military, administrative and political authorities transformed the system from a potentially legitimate form of self-defence into a violation of international law; by defining the group to be targeted as Tutsi and seeking their elimination, the authorities transformed the self-defence system into a weapon for genocide."

The killing goes on until the beginning of July. It will leave over 500,000 Tutsis dead. (The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda estimates "some 800,000 Rwandans were killed." Other sources estimate that between 800,000 and one million perish.) Thousands of Hutus opposed to the genocide are also killed. Men, women and children; the old and the young; the healthy and the sick; the rich and the poor; the elite and the humble; no one is spared. In just 100 days three quarters of the Tutsi population are exterminated. It is the most ferocious massacre in modern history. Most of the killing is done with machetes.

Up to two million Hutu and Tutsi Rwandans will flee the country and up to one million will be internally displaced. By early August an estimated one-quarter of the pre-war population of Rwanda has either died or fled the country.

Meanwhile, the international community sits by and watches but does not take action.

A telegram sent by General Dallaire on 8 April informs the UN that Tutsi are being slain solely because of their race.

"The appearance of a very well planned, organised, deliberate and conducted campaign of terror initiated principally by the Presidential Guard since the morning after the death of the head of state has completely reoriented the situation in Kigali," the telegram states.

"Aggressive actions have been taken not only against the opposition leadership but against the RPF ..., against particular ethnic groups (massacre of Tutsi in Remera), against the general civilian population ... and against UNAMIR ... which has resulted in fatal and non-fatal casualties. The particularly barbarous murder of the 10 captured Belgian soldiers emphasises this situation."

However, the UN fails to name the massacre as genocide. Dallaire instead is directed to protect his soldiers, monitor and report on events, assist with humanitarian aid and, after renewed hostilities break out between the Rwandan Government and the RPF, to try to effect a cease-fire.

On 13 April Belgium withdraws its troops from UNAMIR. The Bangladeshi troops depart soon after. One thousand French, Belgian, and Italian troops rushed in to evacuate foreigners also depart. Three hundred US Marines dispatched to the area are halted in Burundi.

The administration of US President Bill Clinton advocates the total withdrawal of the UNAMIR force.

In an article in the September 2001 edition of 'The Atlantic Monthly', Samantha Power writes, "During the entire three months of the genocide Clinton never assembled his top policy advisers to discuss the killings. ... Rwanda was never thought to warrant its own top-level meeting. When the subject came up, it did so along with, and subordinate to, discussions of Somalia, Haiti, and Bosnia. Whereas these crises involved US personnel and stirred some public interest, Rwanda generated no sense of urgency and could safely be avoided by Clinton at no political cost."

On 21 April the Security Council votes to cut the size of UNAMIR to 270 men. All but 503 of the troops are withdrawn on 25 April. They will not return until after the genocide.

On 30 April the Security Council warns Rwandan leaders that they could bear personal responsibility for violations of international law but fails to characterise the killing as "genocide" as this would legally oblige it to act to "prevent and punish" the perpetrators.

On 17 May the UN resolves to send a second UNAMIR force of 6,800 mainly African troops and policemen to Rwanda with powers to defend civilians. However, deployment is delayed until after the genocide has ended, principally because of bickering between the US and the UN over who will foot the bill and provide the equipment.

On 8 June the Security Council formally acknowledges that "acts of genocide" had taken place in Rwanda. Use of the phrase is one step short of naming the killing as "a genocide" and so does not oblige the UN to intervene.

In late June the French government sends 2,500 troops to establish a safe area in the southwestern part of the country. A French contingent is also stationed in the northwest for several weeks.

The RPF ends the cease-fire and resumes its military campaign on 7 April, the day after Habyarimana dies in the plane-crash. The war rages at the same time as the genocide, with the RPF also committing atrocities, but no where near the scale of those incited by Bagosora and his cohorts. A mission sent by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) later estimates that from April to August the RPF killed between 25,000 and 45,000 persons.

The Rwandan Army is quickly defeated by the RPF. Kigali falls on 4 July. The war ends on 16 July.

The Rwandan Army flees northwest across the border to Zaire, followed by the interim government, members of the Hutu militias and some two million Hutu refugees.

Bagosora flies out of the country on 2 July, reportedly under the protection of French soldiers. He eventually he settles in Yaoundé, Cameroon.

Though the war is over the killing is not yet done. Retaliatory violence by Tutsi claims several thousand lives, including that of the Roman Catholic archbishop of Kigali.

Refugees in camps set up in Zaire, Tanzania, and Burundi perish from disease, starvation and exposure. More than 20,000 die in a cholera epidemic.

While many Tutsi refugees will return to Rwanda, including refugees who had fled in the 1960s, the repatriation of Hutu refugees is slower. Some fear reprisals but many are also intimidated into remaining in the camps by the militia who fled there with them.

The refugee militias, coordinated and armed by Bagosora, among others, continue their violence, launching cross-border raids.

In Rwanda, the RPF bans political parties that participated in the genocide, including the MRND, and appoints a multiparty Transitional National Assembly headed by Pasteur Bizimungu, a moderate Hutu, to oversee a transition to civilian rule. A multiracial cabinet of 16 Hutus and six Tutsis is formed. Ethnic identity cards are abolished and the Arusha Accords are adopted by the transitional government as its constitutional base.

Meanwhile, the UN votes to establish the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda to try the organisers of the genocide. The tribunal will have its headquarters at The Hague in the Netherlands, running in concert with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. The trial chambers will be located in Arusha, Tanzania.

The tribunal will indict 81 people for genocide-related crimes. The maximum sentence it can hand down is life imprisonment.

1996 - Following the outbreak of civil war in eastern Zaire in October 1996 and the routing of Hutu militias from refugee camps by Rwandan troops, about 800,000 Rwandan refugees move back to their homeland. However, several hundred thousand are pushed deeper into Zaire.

By the end of Zaire's civil war in May, tens of thousands of Rwandan refugees have been killed in the fighting or have died of disease or starvation.

In December another 500,000 refugees in Tanzania return to Rwanda.

Meanwhile, the International Criminal Tribunal opens in Arusha. Trials began in early 1997, but progress is slow and the UN is criticised for mismanagement and poor organisation.

Jean Kambanda, prime minister of the interim, Hutu Power government, pleads guilty to genocide in May 1998 and is sentenced to life imprisonment on 4 September 1998. It is the first time a head of government has been found guilty of genocide.

The RPF government begins its own trials of mid-level genocide organisers in December 1996. By mid-1998 some 135,000 persons are incarcerated in prisons and communal lockups, most of them charged with genocide or related crimes. The Rwanda-based trials can hand down a maximum sentence of death.

Bagosora is arrested in Cameroon on 9 March after Belgium requests his detention and extradition on charges that he was responsible for the deaths of the 10 Belgian peacekeepers killed at the start of the genocide.

He will be transferred to the UN prison quarters in Arusha on 23 January 1997 for trial before the International Criminal Tribunal.

1998 - On 25 March US President Bill Clinton apologises for not having acted to stop the genocide.

"The international community, together with nations in Africa, must bear its share of responsibility for this tragedy," President Clinton says. "We did not act quickly enough after the killing began. We should not have allowed the refugee camps to become safe havens for the killers. We did not immediately call these crimes by their rightful name: genocide. We cannot change the past. But we can and must do everything in our power to help you build a future without fear, and full of hope."

Documents obtained by the National Security Archive under freedom of information legislation later reveal that US intelligence services had informed the Clinton administration of the scale and speed of the genocide within three weeks of its commencement. The documents show that administration refused to publicly name the slaughter as genocide because to do so would have required it to intervene.

UN Secretary-general Kofi Annan apologises to the Parliament of Rwanda on 7 May.

"The world must deeply repent this failure," he says. "Rwanda's tragedy was the world's tragedy. All of us who cared about Rwanda, all of us who witnessed its suffering, fervently wish that we could have prevented the genocide. Looking back now, we see the signs which then were not recognised. Now we know that what we did was not nearly enough - not enough to save Rwanda from itself, not enough to honour the ideals for which the United Nations exists. We will not deny that, in their greatest hour of need, the world failed the people of Rwanda."

1999 - In August Bagosora is charged on 12 counts by the International Criminal Tribunal, including "conspiracy to commit genocide, genocide, complicity in genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, (and) crimes against humanity."

The indictment against him states, "His rank, his office and the personal relations he had with the commanders of the units that were the most implicated in the events referred to in this indictment, and the fact that they were from the same region and shared the same political beliefs, gave him authority over those persons and over members of the militias, given the regionalist context in which power was exercised in Rwanda. ...

"Colonel Théoneste Bagosora, in his position of authority, ... participated in the planning, preparation or execution of a common scheme, strategy or plan, to commit the atrocities set forth above. The crimes were committed by him personally, by persons he assisted or by his subordinates, and with his knowledge or consent."

Bagosora pleads not guilty.

2000 - In March Pasteur Bizimungu resigns as Rwandan president in protest against "Tutsi domination" in government. He is succeeded in April by Paul Kagame, the vice president and defence minister. Kagame, a Tutsi and the former head of the RPA, has long been considered Rwanda's real political leader. He becomes the first Tutsi president since the nation's independence.

2002 - Bagosora's trial commences on 2 April in Arusha before the First Chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal.

He is tried along with three others - Brigadier-general Gratien Kabiligi (commander of Military Operations), Major Aloys Ntabakuze (commander of the Paracommando Battalion) and Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva (commander of Military Operations for the Gisenyi sector).

In what becomes a hugely drawn-out trial, the case for the prosecution continues until 14 October 2004, after hearing testimony from 82 witnesses.

The case for the defence does not begin until January 2005. Bagosora denies all charges.

"I do not believe in the genocide theory," he tells the tribunal in November 2005. "Most reasonable people concur that there were excessive massacres. ... They have labelled and continue to label me as the mastermind of the massacres. ... The accusations that I led the killings are malicious."

Meanwhile, the Rwandan Government turns to traditional local courts, the so-called Gacaca Courts, to address the enormous backlog of lower-level human rights cases arising from the genocide.

2003 - A new Rwandan constitution is introduced following a referendum in May. The constitution establishes the rights of citizens, prohibits political parties based on ethnic or racial groups and resolves to fight ethnic hatred.

Paul Kagame wins a multiparty presidential election held in August, receiving 95% of the vote. The RPF wins a landslide victory in legislative elections held over the following months.

2007 - Bagosora continues to deny any responsibility for the genocide right up to the end of his trial on 1 June.

"I request people of goodwill to free their minds of intoxication and poison," he says in his final statement. "I solemnly declare that I did not kill anyone or issue orders for anyone to be killed."

The trial verdict awaits.

Comment: Anyone old enough to remember will never forget the images from the media coverage of the Rwandan genocide: footage of the dead and bloated bodies of murdered Tutsi sweeping down rivers; scenes of panic as refugees desperately tried to flee the terror; landscapes of degradation and squalor in refugee camps.

Viewing these images brought a feeling of disbelief and helplessness. What could be done to halt the carnage? Surely the UN and world community were working overtime to bring the killing to a halt? When would the genocide stop and those horrifying pictures leave our TV screens?

Little did we know how little was being done by world leaders. And little did we know how little it might have taken to reign in the genocidal mobs.

The Human Rights Watch report Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda makes a convincing case that even a relatively minor intervention by the world community could have been enough to prevent the killing descending into genocide. The architects of the genocide were not deaf to world opinion, the report argues. However, instead of hearing unambiguous condemnation of their actions they received signals that could be interpreted as a "green light".

By the time the UN, the US, the UK and France, among others, were forced from their wilful detachment by media and community outrage it was too late.

--

இவனது கூட்டாளி ஒரு கத்தோலிக்க பாதிரி


அதனாஸீ ஸெரோம்பா Father Athanase Seromba என்ற கத்தோலிக்க பாதிரிக்கு 15 வருட கடுங்காவல் தண்டனை கொடுக்கப்பட்டது
Rwandan Priest Sentenced to 15 Years for Allowing Deaths of Tutsi in Church
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By MARC LACEY
Published: December 14, 2006
An international war crimes court yesterday sentenced a Roman Catholic priest to 15 years in prison for ordering his church in western Rwanda demolished by bulldozers in 1994 while 2,000 ethnic Tutsi sought refuge there from the mass killing breaking out all around.

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Reuters
Judges said Athanase Seromba ordered the bulldozing of his church, with 2,000 Tutsi inside.
The Rev. Athanase Seromba, a Hutu convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity, was the first Roman Catholic priest to be tried before the International Criminal Tribunal based in Arusha, Tanzania, officials said.

At least two other Catholic priests await charges in Arusha, according to news service reports, while three Catholic nuns and a handful of clergy members from other denominations have already been convicted in various courts for their roles in the killing, which led to an estimated 800,000 deaths.

The mass killing began in April 1994 when Hutu extremists mobilized the majority population in the tiny central African country to root out and kill Tutsi and moderate Hutu.

Some of the most gruesome attacks in what is an overwhelmingly Roman Catholic country took place in churches and missions, where members of the clergy committed acts of heroism but also of shame.

The brutality is still visible in Rwanda today as some churches have been left as memorials, with the human remains of victims piled up among the pews.

The Vatican has suggested in the past that it is unfairly being made a target over the killings in Rwanda. “The Holy See cannot but express a certain surprise at seeing the grave responsibility of so many people and groups involved in this tremendous genocide had been heaped on so few people,” a Vatican spokesman said in a statement in 2001, after two Catholic nuns were convicted in Belgium.

The Tutsi hiding at Father Seromba’s church on April 12, 1994, in Nyange, a village in western Rwanda, managed to repel the first attackers, according to testimony. But members of the so-called Interahamwe militia, joined by Rwandan soldiers, threw grenades at the church and secured the assistance of Father Seromba.

He identified the weakest parts of his church as targets for the bulldozer drivers, a panel of judges found. He also later encouraged the fighters who charged the church to finish off any survivors, to whom he referred as cockroaches, according to testimony.

After the massacre, Father Seromba fled Rwanda, changed his name to Anastasio Sumba Bura and worked as a priest in two parishes near Florence, Italy. He surrendered to the tribunal on Feb. 6, 2002, and pleaded not guilty to the charges against him.

During his trial, prosecutors called 15 witnesses, including survivors of the attack who put Father Seromba at the scene. His defense attorneys, Patrice Monte and Barnabe Nekuie, both of Cameroon, called 24 witnesses to buttress his reputation as a well-regarded religious man, before closing their case in April.

Since the tribunal, backed by the United Nations, began work in 1997, it has convicted 27 people and acquitted 5. The court, which has been criticized at times for its slow pace, was meant to supplement Rwanda’s own justice system by focusing on prominent figures, including politicians, journalists and members of the clergy.

Last week, Elizaphan Ntakirutimana, who had been a Seventh-day Adventist pastor, was released by the tribunal after serving a 10-year sentence for his role in the killings. He was accused of standing by in western Rwanda as his parishioners were killed.

The judges said the 15-year sentence for Father Seromba reflected aggravating factors such as his authority as a Catholic priest and the trust he had from those seeking shelter in his parish. His sentence will be reduced by the four years he has already served, the judges said.

பாதிரியார் மட்டுமல்ல, கொலைவெறி பிடித்த கன்யாஸ்திரிகளும் இதில் அடக்கம்

The conviction of two Rwandan nuns


If the church of Rome has changed then why doesn't the Pope ex-communicate these two blood-thirsty women.
Rev. Kyle Paisley
The conviction of two Rwandan nuns for their part in the massacre of nearly 7000 Tutsis has proved a great embarassment to the Church of Rome.

Sister Gertrude (nee Consolata Mukagango) and Sister Maria Kisito (nee Julienne Mukabutera) were sentenced to 15 years and 12 years respectively by a court in Belgium last week.

The two Benedictines were found guilty of driving the Tutsis into the clutches of Hutu militants and standing by as they were done to death. In one particular incident Sister Kisito supplied petrol used for the burning alive of several hundred Tutsis. Clearly, the sentences they received are in no way commensurate with the crimes they committed. Capital punishment is what they deserved.

One wonders what Rome will do now, after the conviction of the two nuns, when she has protested their innocence all along.

Will she recognise the wickedness that they committed or gloss over it?

For more than fifty years following the end of the second world war the Papacy was mute, and it is only recently that she has proferred any sort of apology for her complicity with, and the succour she gave to the Nazi war machine.

How long will the families of those murdered by Rwandan Hutus, which murders would not have happened without the help of two faithful children of 'mother church', have to wait before they receive an unqualified apology from the 'holy' see?

If the church of Rome has changed then why doesn't the Pope ex-communicate these two blood-thirsty women.

கிறிஸ்துவ பெண்ணை கடத்து கற்பழித்து மதம் மாற்றி திருமணமும் செய்துகொண்ட முஸ்லீமுக்கு என்ன தண்டனை?

ஒன்றுமில்லை. சும்மா பைன். அவ்வளவுதான்.

பாகிஸ்தானின் இஸ்லாமிய ஷரியா படி தீர்ப்பு, அந்த சிறுமியை கடத்தி கற்பழித்து மதம்மாற்றிய முஸ்லீமுக்கு ஒரு லட்ச ரூபாய் பைன்.


Teenager kidnapped and converted to Islam


After a judge placed new financial and social pressure on the captors of a Pakistani girl who was kidnapped and converted to Islam, attorneys have guarded optimism they can return her to custody of her Christian parents, One news from Pakistan has reported.

Judge Malik Saeed Ijaz ordered the girl’s husband, Amjad Ali, to pay a dowry of 100,000 rupees (US$1,275) and allow her parents visitation rights, two actions required by typical Pakistani marriage protocol.

So far he has done neither.

The judge gave Saba Masih, 13, the opportunity to talk with her family during yesterday’s hearing, but she remained mostly silent behind her veil, offering only blunt replies.

“I don’t want to see my parents. They are Christians and I am a Muslim,” she said, according to her parents’ attorney.

Her younger sister Aneela Masih, who was also kidnapped but returned to her family three months ago, pleaded with her older sister to return home. The 10-year-old told her that Christmas was coming and she didn’t want her sister to spend it with those “who are not our people.”

Saba Masih appeared at the Multan branch of Lahore’s High Court yesterday along with her Muslim husband and his family. Her parents filed a contempt petition last month against her captors for failing to follow Pakistani marriage protocol.

Islamic law (sharia), however, gives a wife the right to relinquish a dowry. Lawyers said they fear that the Muslim family will pressure Saba Masih to claim this right in order to offset growing financial pressure.

Lawyers hope that if her mother can visit her, it will convince her to leave her husband and come home to the family; her family believes he has threatened her with violence if she attempts to rejoin them.

At Monday’s hearing, Saba Masih still appeared reluctant to return to her family. Relatives said they were praying that she would change her mind and that the captors would lose their influence over her.

“The main thing is Saba must be ready herself to come back,” said her uncle, Khalid Raheel, the family spokesman. “But she isn’t ready to come back yet, and I don’t know how they are convincing her.”

On Wednesday (Dec. 17) the judge is expected to adjourn the case and issue a deed requiring Ali to pay the dowry at the convenience of the Masih family. The judge yesterday threatened Ali with prison time if he failed to carry out this order.

Akbar Durrani, attorney for the Centre for Legal Aid Assistance and Settlement (CLAAS), said the attorneys might try to use Aneela Masih’s testimony of kidnapping to take the case to the Supreme Court if other options fail.
The Christian family’s lawyer said the attempt to force Ali to pay a dowry was a tactic to mount financial pressure on Saba Masih’s husband and to convince her to return home.

Her family and their lawyers believe she has stayed with her Muslim husband because he and his family have issued death threats.

The Christian family’s chances of winning run against the judicial status quo for Pakistani religious minorities, but the new push comes after a Sept. 9 ruling that returned Aneela Masih to her parents, a rare legal victory for non-Muslims.

Aneela and Saba Masih were kidnapped on June 26 while travelling to visit their uncle in Sarwar Shaheed, northwest of Multan. Their parents say local fruit vendor Muhammad Arif Bajwa and three others kidnapped them in Chawk Munda, a small town in south Punjab.

Saba Masih was married to Ali the next day. Bajwa and Ali registered a case with the police on June 28 for custody of the girls based on their alleged conversion to Islam.

Local residents regard the men as serial kidnappers with connections to a human trafficking ring. The girls’ first defense attorney believed they could have been raped and sold to a brothel.

Ironically, attorneys said, the kidnappers’ alleged desire to exploit Saba Masih may now be the best hope of her returning to her parents, as keeping her has become not lucrative but increasingly costly with court hearings continuing and legal fees multiplying.

“These [kidnappers] don’t have an emotional link to Saba,” Durrani told Compass by phone. “They are in the business of prostitution and only wanted to use these girls for their business.”

Prosecuting attorneys said they have a growing optimism that they can regain custody of Saba Masih, something they thought unlikely two months ago.

In previous hearings, a judge allowed Saba Masih to choose whether or not she would return to her family, even though Pakistan marriage law requires the approval of legal guardians at the age of 16.

The judge determined that her age was 17 based on her testimony and a report by a medical board pressured by Muslim groups to inflate her age. He did not accept as evidence her birth certificate and baptismal record that showed her age as 13.

Younis Masih and his wife first saw their daughters after their kidnapping at a July hearing. The girls were in the company of 16 Muslims and were said to be under pressure to claim they had converted to Islam.

After Aneela Masih returned to her family in September, she claimed that their captors threatened to kill them and their family if they did not do everything asked of them.

Previously it had been reported that she was raped while in captivity, but there was no medical evidence that she was sexually abused or manhandled, lawyers said.

Her sister appears to be suffering, Durrani said.

“The family has told us that Saba Masih is not in good condition – most of the time she cries and is not satisfied there,” Durrani said.

Kidnapping of Christians in the Muslim-majority nation of 170 million is not uncommon. Many captors believe they will not be convicted if caught due to the penal code’s influence by sharia, which grants non-Muslims second-class status in society.

Every year there are cases of Pakistani Christian children kidnapped, killed or exploited by those who believe their parents are powerless.

Last month a Muslim family in Nankan kidnapped the 7-year-old son of Pakistani Christian Binyamin Yusef, 30, over a land dispute. Two days later police found his son’s body, which showed signs of torture and rape.

Police did not register the case when Yusef initially approached them. CLAAS representatives hope to open court action against the alleged perpetrators.

ஐரோப்பிய யூனியன், இந்துமதத்தை அங்கீகரிக்க கோரிக்கை

இந்துமதத்தை அங்கீகரிக்கவேண்டுமென்று ஐரோப்பிய யூனியனை இந்து தலைவர்கள் கோரியுள்ளனர்

Hindu leader asks EU to recognise Hinduism
Press Trust of India
Saturday, December 13, 2008, (New York)
A US-based Hindu leader Rajan Zed has asked the European Parliament President Hans-Gert Pottering to ensure recognition of Hinduism in all the 27 member-states of the European Union.

Zed, who was invited in Brussels, had met Pottering on Wednesday to discuss problems faced by the Hindus and how to promote interfaith dialogue.

Zed, President of Universal Society of Hinduism, said besides recognition of the religion by the EU members, he had raised 15 more issues, including adequate representation of Hindus in various bodies, fair treatment to all major religions, complete freedom of religious practice and declaring Diwali as a major festival.

Drawing pottering's attention to the difficulties that Hindus face, Zed pointed out that the permission for building temples takes a long time and mostly denied.

He also asked labelling of the food products to indicate whether they contain non vegetarian substances.

Zed recited Gayatri Mantra from 'Rig Veda' at the beginning of the meeting and presented Pottering a copy of Hindu epic 'Bhagavad Gita'.

28 கிறிஸ்துவர்கள் இந்துமதத்தை தழுவினர்

வாழ்க வளமுடன்

28 கிறிஸ்துவர்கள் இந்துமதத்தை தழுவினர்

Hindu Munnani leader Ramagopalan blessing a family that got converted from Chritianity to Hinduism, at a ceremony in Thoothukudi on Tuesday.Express News ServiceFirst Published : 17 Dec 2008 01:41:00 AM ISTLast Updated : 17 Dec 2008 12:31:38 PM ISTTHOOTHUKUDI: As many as 28 Christians and a Muslim embraced Hinduism at a ceremony arranged by the Hindu Munnani in Thoothukudi on Tuesday.


The ceremony was presided over by Hindu Munnani leader, Ramagopalan. The converts were from the villages of Silukkanpatti, Sathankulam Thaivilai, Puthantharuvai, Thoothukudi, Chidhambaranagar, Thentiruperai and Vilathikulam Kaththalampatti, all in Thoothukudi district.

The ceremony started in the morning with Ganapathy homam and priests V L Sankarnan Vathiyar and R Selvan Pattar performed the rituals for conversion. Each convert was asked if they were embracing Hinduism on their own and after they gave a nod, new Hindu names were given to them.

Ramagopalan said: “We have to find the reason behind Hindus getting converted to other religions. We are in the process of bringing back those Hindu converts and we are hopeful of succeeding in our attempt.”

தாலிபான் இஸ்லாமிய போராளிகள் குறுந்தகடு விற்கும் 16 கடைகளை கொளுத்தினர்.

பாகிஸ்தானில் இசை சிடிக்கள் விற்கும் கடைகளை கொளுத்துவது தாலிபான்களால் இஸ்லாமிய நற்செயலாக கருதப்படுகிறது.

ஆகவே 16 சிடி கடைகளை கொளுத்தியுள்ளனர் தாலிபான்கள்

இந்த இஸ்லாமிய சிந்தனையின்படி,

இசை தடை செய்யப்பட்டது
கவிதைகள் தடை செய்யப்பட்டவை
நடனம் தடை செய்யப்பட்டது
சிற்பம் தடை செய்யப்பட்டது.
ஓவிய தடை செய்யப்பட்டது.

எல்லா கலைகளையும் தடை செய்துவிட்டு உருவாகும் மனிதன் எப்படி இருப்பான்?

மும்பையில் வந்து பயங்கரவாதம் செய்தவனாகத்தான் ஆவான்.



Taliban torch 18 CD shops

By Saboor Khan

HANGU: Hundreds of armed Taliban attacked a bazaar in Tull tehsil of Hangu district late on Saturday and torched at least 18 shops, police said.

District Police Officer Sajjad Khan told Daily Times that Taliban had blown up two shops with explosives and set fire to 16 others. They also collected CDs and other inventory from eight shops and burnt them near Bannu Chowk, he added. He said the Taliban managed to escape after police opened fire on them.

Locals said Taliban attacked the bazaar from three directions and wreaked havoc for three hours. Blaming police negligence for the damage, they said they had promptly informed the police, which had failed to act in time.

Tull is surrounded by the Tribal Areas from all sides, with Kurram Agency to its west, North Waziristan Agency to the north, Bulandkel area of Orakzai Agency to the southwest, Lower Kurram Agency to the northwest and Palosin Wazir area of North Waziristan to its northeast.

ஜிகாதிகளின் பிறப்பிடம் என்ன?

வேலை செய்ய ஆர்வமின்றி, ஒழுக்கத்தை பேண பெண்களை கட்டாயப்படுத்திகொண்டு நாட்டாமை செய்துகொண்டு இருக்கும் இளைஞர்களே ஜிகாதிகளாக அட்டூழியம் செய்கிறார்கள்.

வேலை செய்து சம்பாதித்து குடும்பத்துக்கு உதவு என்று சொன்ன அம்மாவை கொன்றிருக்கிறான் ஒரு சோம்பேறி புதல்வன்.

நடப்பது பாகிஸ்தானில்

Young man kills divorced mother

* Victim married twice, first husband died of poor health, second divorced her
* Shoaib, son from second marriage, killed mother after she suggested he search for a job

Staff Report

LAHORE: A young man stabbed his 45-year-old mother to death in the name of honour on Sunday, and managed to escape with the weapon he used, within the Kotlakhpat Police precincts.

The victim was identified as Riffat Sultana, resident of Hamdani Park Chungi Amer Sidhu. According to the police, the victim had married twice. From her first marriage, she gave birth to two sons and two daughters, including one Shakeel. After the death of her first husband, she remarried and gave birth to one Shoaib. Her second marriage proved unsuccessful, after which she moved in with her sons. They earned the bread for the family by performing various types of labour work.

Murder: Police sources said that Shoaib had doubts about his mother’s character, as he suspected her of indulging in illicit relationships. They said that Shoaib was in the habit of scolding his mother over the same issue. On the day of the incident, he was once again involved in a clash with his mother, during which he attacked her with the help of a sharp scissor. Riffat suffered serious injuries to her head, throat and stomach. She succumbed to her injuries on the spot, while Shoaib managed to flee from the scene along with the weapon, in a rickshaw.

Police officials arrived at the scene and removed the body of the deceased to the city morgue for an autopsy. A case was registered against Shoaib on the complaint of Shakeel. Shakeel told the police that Shoaib was subject to regular misbehaviour and he did not contribute to the family’s income. He said that they used to encourage him to work to improve the family’s financial conditions. He said that Riffat had suggested Shoaib search for a job, which infuriated him, and he killed her by repeatedly stabbing her with a sharp scissor. Kotlakhpat Police Station House Officer (SHO) Malik Muhammad Ashraf said that a case had been registered against Shoaib. He said that the accused had managed to escape, but the police would soon arrest him.