அரபு நாடுகளில் மூன்றில் ஒருவர் படிப்பறிவில்லாதவர்- அறிக்கை

அரபு நாடுகளில் மூன்றில் ஒருவர் படிப்பறிவில்லாதவர் என்று அறிக்கை கூறுகிறது. சுமார் 75 மில்லியன் மக்கள் படிப்பறிவற்றவர்கள்.

பல கோடிக்கணக்கான பணம் இருந்தும், எண்ணெய் வளம் இருந்தும், அரபு நாடுகளில் படிப்பறிவற்றவர்களின் எண்ணிக்கை இவ்வளவு ராக்கெட் வேகத்தில் அதிகரிப்பது அரபு கலாச்சாரத்தை பலர் கேள்வி கேட்கவைத்துள்ளது

இப்படிப்பட்ட அரபு கலாச்சாரத்தை இந்தியாவில் புகுத்த முனைபவர்களிடம் தமிழக மக்கள் எச்சரிக்கையாக இருக்கவேண்டும்

EDUCATION ALARM IN ARAB WORLD, 95 MILLION ILLITERATE PEOPLE

(By Cristiana Missori) (ANSAmed) - ROME, SEPTEMBER 8 - With 95 million illiterate people, of whom 75 million aged between 15 and 45, the Arab world confirms itself on the first place in the global ranking of the countries whose citizens do not know either to read or write. These are the merciless data presented in Rome this morning during the conference titled "Literacy in the Mediterranean", organised at the Chamber of Deputies as part of the celebrations for the International Literacy Day, called by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. "One out of three citizens is illiterate", Arab League Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (ALESCO) director Mongi Bousnia reminded. This is double the world average (16%). Women are the most affected by the phenomenon, actually 46.5% do not know either to read or write. And also most of those who live in the villages and in the most depressed areas of the Arab world have never had a chance to sit at the school desks. The main causes for that phenomenon," Bousnia pointed out, "are surely the excessive birth rate", as the close correlation between exponential demographic growth and the rise of illiteracy rate (71%) shows in the five most populated states which are part of the 28 countries part of ALESCO. It is not only the demographic boom but also the abject poverty which afflicts these people, as well as the disinterest of the Arab governments which have ignored the literacy issue too long. "In the past thirty years we made many efforts to reduce the rate of the people without education, but the road to go is still very long," Bousnia said. In relative terms, the data speak of a constant drop. In 1970 the rate of illiterate adults in the Arab states was 75%, in 1990 it was 48.7%, in 2000 it was 39.9%, while in 2007 the average of illiterate people in this area of the world is around 30%. "Nevertheless, in absolute terms, the number of illiterate Arab citizens is growing at a skyrocketing speed," Bousnia said. From 50 million illiterate in 1970, there were 60 million in 1990s, to the current 95.5 million out of the 335 million citizens of those states. There have been many common efforts - also of the economic type . taken since the 1960s by the Arab governments, but the road is yet to be climbed. "Eradicate illiteracy is a way to increase security in the Mediterranean area," the ALESCO director said. Here, he believes, the role of the woman is fundamental for fighting against the mentality of hatred and violence which lies on the basis of terrorism. However, investment in literacy programmes is needed. "Tunisian President Ben Ali has launched an appeal to the rich oil-producing countries so that their governments allocate one dollar per each barrel of crude in projects to fight illiteracy in the Arab states," Bousnia said. Not only the institutions, but also the Arab civil society, with its non-governmental associations and organisations, can give its contribution. It is thanks to the NGOs that the poor people in Egypt come close to education, Raafat Abdel Baki, delegate of the Egyptian Education Ministry, explained during the day of study organised by the National Union to Fight Illiteracy, by the Observatory of the Mediterranean and the University of Castel Sant'Angelo. With 17 million illiterates, Egypt is the Arab state with the highest number of illiterate people. (ANSAmed).
2008-09-08 16:47

முஸ்லீம் ஜாதிவெறியால் கொல்லப்படும் அரபு பெண்கள்

அரபு பெண்கள் தங்கள் குடும்பத்தினர் சொல்லும் ஆணை மட்டுமே திருமணம் செய்யவேண்டும். அதுவும் அவர்களது ஜாதிக்குள்தான் திருமணம் செய்யவேண்டும். கீழ் ஜாதியில் திருமணம் செய்தாலோ, அல்லது கீழ் ஜாதி ஆணை காதலித்தாலோ ஜாதி கௌரவம் கெட்டுப்போய்விட்டது என்று இந்த பெண்கள் கொல்லப்படுகிறார்கள்.

இப்படிப்பட்ட கொலைகளுக்கு கௌரவக்கொலைகள் என்று பெயர் சூட்டியுள்ளனர்.

அரபு நாடுகளில் இப்படிப்பட்ட கொலைகளை செய்த குடும்பங்களுக்கு தண்டனை கூட கிடையாது. ஒரு சிலநாடுகள் இப்படிப்பட்ட கொலைகளுக்கு தண்டனை வழங்க ஆரம்பித்துள்ளன. அவையும் மிக்க்குறைவான தண்டனைகளே.

இந்தியாவில் முஸ்லீமானவர்கள் முஸ்லீம் திருமணம் செய்துகொள்கிறார்கள். அரபுநாடுகளுக்கு சென்று அரபு பெண்களை திருமணம் செய்ய தேடினால் அரபு பெண்கள் கிடைக்காதது மட்டுமல்ல, நீங்கள் கொல்லவும் படலாம்.

ஜாக்கிரதை.

எல்லா உதாரையும் இந்தியாவிலேயே வைத்துகொள்வது நலம்.


Escape – or betrayal?
Why Muslim women who are oppressed by their families are often reluctant to break free
Nesrine Malik
guardian.co.uk, Thursday July 24 2008 11:30 BST

Whenever another honour killing hits the headlines or another Muslim female is vaporised into a forced marriage, the question I get asked more than any other is: "Why don't these women just leave?"

Even though the sense of intimidation and menace these women are subject to may be palpable, the answer to this question is not a simple one. There are many reasons why women who live in non-Muslim societies in the west and have the ability to leave their families in search of a better life do not do so. First and foremost however, what needs to be identified is that most Muslim societies exist in cultures where the authority of the family is overarching.

When a woman flees a forced marriage, a threatening brother or even the risk of death, as far as she is concerned she also leaves behind not only that but sisters, aunts, cousins, an entire culture, a belief system and closely interwoven units. The burden of honour, the shared ownership of the ramifications of her choices, stretches out across the lattice of her family and renders every move she makes magnitudinous, sending waves rippling and tainting hapless family members on the fringes of the epicentre.

The thought of escape conjures up images of innocent younger sisters shamed and abandoned, growing up in the shadow of her dishonour, and mothers who did their best to provide more freedom than her father would have allowed, crushed – their faith and trust in her flung back in their faces. To that she will add the vision of countless family members and friends who invested in her, gave her succour with a kind word or a gesture of understanding.

Emotionally blackmailed, it is difficult for her to view an escape as a heroic brave leap; the huge number of those she hurts and the dearth of those she benefits make it seem a selfish, cowardly endeavour. Surely, she thinks, it is more commendable to sacrifice oneself on the altar and at least elicit some satisfaction from one's martyrdom, than it is to bolt?

Besides, what is on the other side? The liberal ideals of a western culture do not a family make. She might have her freedom but who to share it with? She may fall in love, but who to rejoice with? From within the cultural outlook of a traditional family, it is difficult to envision the friends, colleagues and significant others who would potentially, eventually, come to be a comforting network. She thinks about the fact that by leaving behind her family, she truncates their existence in her life, freezing them out and precluding her children from the pleasure of maternal grandparents, aunts and uncles.

But it does not occur to her that their presence in her life may guarantee her daughters the same fate and that raising children within the same value system would predestine them to the very same dynamic she strove to escape. Bereft of all links to her prior life, she alone must impart her own genesis to her offspring, a heavy burden under which to traipse into womanhood.

The prospect of succumbing gradually thus becomes less daunting and is not necessarily an either/or. Muslim women more often than not are allowed, indeed encouraged, to get an education, a decent job as long as it is within the confines of the respectable parameters prescribed by family and milieu – not always a fate dire enough to warrant or justify a wholesale uprooting.

A cousin of mine once rejected a suitor to whom she had already been promised by her family. As her mother wept in anticipation of the perceived disgrace, an aunt gently whispered to her that she should "marry him, become a doctor, have children and buy some pretty curtains". And so she did. Was she forced? No. Not in a classic honour-based, violent way. But little enforcement comes in the way of physical violence; most is psychological and hence more insidious.

This dictatorship of the family is a result of a complex interplay between social pressures, cultural heritage and religious observance and is not a Muslim issue as much as it is a cultural one. The elders of a family are victim to these structures almost as much as their daughters, forced to choose between powerful parental instincts and their perception of themselves and their offspring as part of a tightly woven fabric, the rupture of which assails their very identity and self-perception.

In contrast to societies where individual opportunity and achievement are championed, Arab culture in particular subscribes to a more sober view of individualism, even more so in women, and is suspicious of all endeavours that do not run in tandem with the values of the group. This contributes to a way of life where the suppression of individual desire is likely and one's personal feelings, preferences or fears shrink in comparison to the grandeur of powerful existing structures, where these values have been so internalised that the injured party may even have sympathy for his/her oppressors, cognisant of their helplessness against their indoctrination, seriously believing no one person is evil or fully culpable. This ring fence applies to men as well as women, granted with a larger circumference for male members of the clan.

Of course, it is not just a religious issue; the pull of the eternal deep-rooted institution is omnipresent – be it religion, nationality, race or class. Only a few decades ago, inter-racial marriage came with the threat of familial excommunication, and if none had raised their heads above the parapet it would have stayed that way.

This conflict between the temporal and the ostensibly eternal is what is important. Whether it is campaigns to combat forced marriage in Muslim and non-Muslim Asian communities or honour killings in Arab regions like Jordan and Iraq, efforts need to be made to not only identify girls and women at risk but to provide mentors, sponsors and look to create alternative networks to make a break less daunting.

Evidently, not all Muslim women are oppressed but many are, and the high-profile stories in the media are only the most extreme manifestations, the tip of an iceberg of a silent mass of women living lives of quiet desperation